Question 1
Cultural leveling describes how people from different cultures approach each other and try to reach common grounds regarding communication and interaction. This process is evident in Lee’s ethnographic fieldwork. Coming from white society, the researcher exhibited arrogance and considered himself superior, both intellectually and culturally, to the !Kung bushmen. He did this by extending to or cutting off the supply of tobacco from the Bushmen since he was the only source of the commodity in 1000 square miles (Lee). Besides, he neither shared his food with the Bushmen nor participated in their food-gathering activities. For this reason, the Bushmen considered him a miser. To eliminate this power imbalance, the Bushmen chose to ridicule Lee anytime he made a successful hunt in order to teach him humility. However, the Christmas holiday provided the perfect learning environment for Lee. He bought the fattest and healthiest ox in the village to celebrate the Christmas ox custom with the locals as dictated by the Christmas spirit. Nevertheless, several villagers criticized him for buying an old and thin ox that could not feed the entire village. As a result, the researcher was demoralized and lost his expectation of gratitude for doing something ‘good’. The experience taught him the value of modesty and placed him on equal standing with the villagers.
Foraging societies such as the !Kung use obligatory insults and criticisms to downplay the merits of individuals within the community to prevent them from being arrogant and consequently treating his others as his inferiors or servants (Lee). This practice ensures the stability of the society by minimizing destructive competition among people that breeds dishonesty, animosity, and jealousy. Such negative feelings can prompt one to kill his fellow man out of anger, or wounded pride is the latter surpasses his abilities or skill in some activity.
Question 2
Stratigraphic Superposition and dendrochronology are examples of the dating methods used in archeology. Stratigraphic Superposition is a relative dating process whereby archeologists assign ages to rock or soil layers and their components according to their depth from the earth surface. On the other hand, dendrochronology is an absolute dating method for assigning numerical dates to trees and wooden objects by counting the number of concentric rings found on the trunks of trees. Certain differences exist between these two methods. First, stratigraphic superposition occurs in the field or archeological site while dendrochronology occurs in either the field or the lab. Second, the former involves the digging of a deep hole into the earth to expose the rock or soil layers arranged on its wall. According to the law of superposition, the lower layers in a sequence of strata and the objects/fossils embedded in them are considered older than the layers above them and their content embedded therein (Lavenda and Schultz). Conversely, dendrochronology involves drilling long thin holes into the trunks of trees to obtain their ring chronology. Archeologists may also cut down trees to expose the cross-section of mature tree trunks to facilitate the counting and observation of their concentric rings for dating purposes. Each ring represents one year of life of a tree. The more the rings, the older the tree and the more complete the growth pattern for a given locality.
Despite the differences, the two dating methods are similar in their limitations and applicability. Stratigraphic Superposition is successful in regions where the superposed rock or soil layers have remained undisturbed over a specified period (Lavenda and Schultz). However, such conditions are rare because of the frequent geological interruptions through volcanicity or tectonic plate movements that affect most places and, therefore, rearrange the rock layers or crosscut existing layers with younger volcanic rocks. In such cases, archeologists consider the intruding features to be younger than the original layers. Conversely, dendrochronology is only appropriate for dating seasonal trees because they show a successive alteration of thicker rings for wet years and thinner rings for dry years. This distinction hinders its use in dating trees that grow all year round such as those growing in tropical rainforests. Moreover, both methods involve the identification of distinctive sequences or rock layers of tree rings and correlating them to those found in other archeological sites. Thus, generalizations regarding the geological events and their durations result from such comparisons.
Question 3
The biological consequences of agriculture/domestication on humans include malnutrition and increased susceptibility to infectious diseases and parasites. Post-agricultural societies cultivated a limited number of starchy, nutrient-deficient crops as opposed to feeding on a variety of wild fruits and vegetables that were rich in nutrients. As a result, their health deteriorated, causing certain anatomical changes in the human body. For instance, the average height for pre-agricultural males and females was 5’9 and 5’5 respectively while those of earliest post-agricultural men and women was 5’3 and 5’ respectively (Diamond). The height of modern man still falls short of the ancient standard. Other archeological remains of Indians found in the Illinois and Ohio River valleys indicate a surge in enamel defects and iron deficiency anemia suggesting malnutrition. The second biological effect of agriculture is the higher predisposition to diseases. Agriculture entailed hard physical labor that involving extended periods of standing, bending or lifting heavy items that made people suffer from degenerative conditions of the spine. Furthermore, the life expectancy shortened from 26 years to 19 years immediately after the adoption of agriculture mainly due to crowded living arrangements that facilitated the spread of infectious diseases such as measles, bubonic plague, and diarrheal infections (Diamond).
Two cultural consequences of agriculture are class divisions and gender inequality. Agriculture adoption instigated the growth of social parasites in the form of rulers and elite individuals who seized food from others without expending their labor (Diamond). This practice created sharp class differences as the commoners consumed poor diets of what little remained after the rulers seized their harvests. Gender inequality arose from the need for more hands to cultivate the fields. In this regard, women fell pregnant more frequently due to the shift from nomadic to sedentary lifestyles, thus compromising their health. Furthermore, some societies such as New Guinea, women were the beasts of burden who carried heavy farm produce on their backs and head while the men carried little or no loads.
Question 4
Neanderthals refer to the hominin remains found in the Neander valley in Germany. In comparison to the modern Homo sapiens, the Neanderthals were shorter, stockier, and had a firmer grip. They had massive skulls with a cranial capacity of 1520cm3 compared to the 1400cm3 of modern man (Lavenda and Schultz). Their brow ridges were continuous while their faces protruded outwards with no chin. They had larger teeth with fused roots and enlarged pulp cavities. Unlike the Homo sapiens, the Neanderthals had a gap behind the third molar of their lower jaws due to the prolonged forward placement of the teeth for use as clamping devices. Concerning culture, the Neanderthals made stone tools out of flint, volcanic rocks, and quartzite depending on the material available within their vicinities. The tools also encompassed weapons such as wooden spears and pointed stones, indicating a hunting practice. They also lived in stone shelters as evidenced by the discovery of hearths in some archeological sites. The Neanderthals practiced some form of religion shown by deliberate burial rites involving the folding the limbs against the upper body, scattering of flowers over some graves, and painting graves with natural pigments (Lavenda and Schultz). Some archeologists argued that the Neanderthals practiced cannibalism. For example, some of the human remains showed signs of deliberate stripping of flesh and muscles from the bones. Of all the earlier hominin, the Neanderthals lived longer because of their communal settings that ensured the wellbeing of their young, the old, and the sick. For this reason, they may have lived alongside the earliest Homo sapiens. Given the harshness of the environment at the time, the interactions between the two groups were likely hostile as they fought over the little food and water sources that existed. Frequent conflicts and raids coupled with the superior intellect of the Homo sapiens contributed to the demise of the Neanderthals. Their extinction also stemmed from injuries sustained while navigating the harsh terrains and diseases that shortened their lifespans.
Question 5
The biological consequence of bipedalism included greater stability and stamina, and diet changes. Unlike their ancestors, the large toe of the bipedal hominin of the genus Australopithecus did not diverge from the other foot digits while their femur bent slightly inwards towards the knees at the valgus angle (Lavenda and Schultz). Besides, their skull (foramen magnum) lay at the top of their spinal column, unlike their ancestors whose skulls protruded forward. These features aligned their feet with the center of gravity of their bodies, giving them more stability while walking. Bipedalism also reduced the skin surface area of the hominin that was exposed to the sun during the day. As a result, their rate of energy loss slowed down, giving them more stamina to cover longer distances on foot in search of widely dispersed vegetative plants and water sources (Lavenda and Schultz). The upright walking posture meant that the hominin could easily spot animal predators roaming the open grasslands and could, therefore, escape. In adapting to the coarse grassland plants, the hominin developed larger molars while the canines shrunk to fit in the mouth. This change eased the sideways grinding of food and supported their shift to an omnivorous diet.
The cultural consequences of bipedalism included tool-making for protection and for hunting prey. Since they could walk, the bipedal hominin became more exposed in the open grasslands, making them easy prey for the various carnivorous animals. Hence, they needed to make crude weapons out of stone to defend themselves. Furthermore, stone tools were necessary for foraging purposes such as digging out roots and hunting prey for their meat. The biological and cultural outcomes of bipedalism lend credence to the theory that humans evolved from a quadruped man with a primitive foraging society to the bipedal modern man with superior anatomical changes and cultural practices. This trend manifests in the progressive shifts in the size and position of the skull and limbs, dental arrangements, and cultural orientation towards sedentary and communal lifestyles.
Question 6
The Cahokia civilization is one of the largest recorded prehistoric human settlements that existed a thousand years ago to the north of Mexico (Wright). Despite the existence of evidence suggesting its sophistication, wealth and burgeoning population, the civilization ceased to exist without any apparent cause. Anthropologists still speculate on the factors responsible for its downfall. There are several possible reasons for the massive influx of migrants into Cahokia. Firstly, Cahokia lay on the floodplains of the Mississippi River. This region was fertile thus supporting the cultivation of crops such as sunflower and corn. The abundant and constant food supply attracted people from neighboring communities whose unfavorable climate and poor soils in their native lands caused frequent food shortages. Second, Cahokia lay near the confluence of three key rivers – the Missouri, the Mississippi and the Illinois rivers. These waterways created an extensive trade network that opened up the region to the outside world. The intensive trade activities brought both merchants and migrants who chose to settle in the wealthy civilization. Third, it is possible that Cahokia had a charismatic leader who created a dynamic social environment that attracted people from both neighboring and distant communities, who preferred the urban settlement to their rural settings. Evidence of this claim manifests in the archeological remnants of the huge structures constructed in the area that implied a vast and organized labor force. For instance, the famous Monks Mound consumed about 15 billion to 20 billion pounds of soil, which the builders transported to the site in woven baskets that held about 50-60 pounds of soil each (Wright). The accomplishment of such fetes needed a central authority to plan and direct the building process. Lastly, it is conceivable that the Cahokia was an egalitarian and matriarchal society that enjoyed peace and prosperity. The matriarchal aspect stems from the discovery of an agricultural and reproductive fertility symbol represented by a female figure (Wright). On the other hand, the egalitarian nature of the civilization arose from the absence of any evidence of invasion. Thus, migrants, possibly from warring outlying communities migrated into Cahokia to enjoy the peace coexistence.
The possible causes of the downfall of this civilization include poor nutrition, unfavorable climatic conditions, deforestation, and the presence of social hierarchies among others. The fixation with the cultivation of corn limited the nutrients that the people obtained since they were deficient in protein. Thus, the people could have moved west in search of buffalo meat to supplement their dietary requirements. Secondly, the area experienced long cold spells in the past that hampered farming activities since crops could not grow in frozen soils. This condition caused food shortages, and urban dwellers left the city for the favorable tropical climates. Thirdly, deforestation of the upland regions as a result of the population surge obstructed the downstream rivers with silt, thus raising the riverbeds and worsening flooding to the settlement areas. Hence, people were forced to search for other settlement areas. Lastly, the possible existence of social hierarchies as shown by the sharp differences in the manner in which the dead bodies of royals and commoners were buried. The royal bodies were adorned with ornaments or tools while those of commoners were buried carelessly. These disparities could have created hatred between the haves and have-nots leading to a mass exodus from the city.
Question 7
Potlatch was a form of competitive feasting whereby a chief and his followers gave away or destroyed more food and material valuables than their rivals to attain significant social status and prestige among their peers (Harris). The practice was common among the Kwakiutl and other Native American tribes living in British Columbia and Washington regions of precolonial America. The Kwakiutl lived in plank-house villages headed by chiefs, who constantly feared being usurped by other individuals who laid claim to a common ancestry as them. To assure their reign, the host chiefs and their subjects held potlatches for their rivals to prove that they deserved their chiefly status and attempted to elevate themselves above the visitors by giving them large volumes of food and valuable gifts. Not wanting to be bested by their hosts, the guests would scorn at the gifts they received and later hold a return potlatch for the former hosts to prove their higher exalted status by giving away larger volumes of valuable gifts. The potlatch preparation involved the whole clan or village, which engaged in accumulating blankets, fish oil, and fresh and dried berries, animal skins and fish among others. These valuables varied with the economic activities practiced in different microenvironments. On the day of the feast, the visitors were accommodated in the house of the host chief where they stuffed themselves with food while being entertained by masked dancers. Later, the host chief and his followers presented their gifts to the guests by piling them up in front of the guests. The chief then boasted of his wealth while openly deriding the supposed poverty of the guests, who listened somberly as their name was discredited. After that, the visitors left with the gifts, owing to tilt the balance of power by organizing their own potlatch for their rivals and forcing them to accept large amounts of gifts than they had given away. While most chiefs gave away gifts to their rivals, a few dominant ones chose to destroy the valuables or even burn their houses instead to shame their rivals. House burning was usually a consequence of ‘grease feasts’ where a chief poured several boxes of candlefish oil on a fire set off at the center of his house. Despite the roaring flame and the thick smoke filling up the room, the guests sat impassively to show that they were unaffected by the boastful rants of the chief. If the flames ignited the roof planks, the house eventually burned down, causing the greatest disgrace to the guests.
According to Harris, the potlatch custom served both an economic and social function. First, it was a mechanism for the redistribution of wealth from areas of high productivity to those of less productivity. Only a wealthy chief and his followers would be able to hold a potlatch for their rivals. This fete required the accumulation of material valuables and food over a particular period, which would then be given away to a seemingly poor village. Regardless of whether a guest clan was poor or not, the potlatch assisted it in obtaining valuables not native to the land or garnering more supplies to supplement their stock. Second, the potlatch ensured incremental levels of productivity within the villages. The custom obligated a chief and his followers holding a return potlatch to give away more valuables than they received from their rivals. This increased labor effort ensured that the level of production in the villages always surpassed the margin of safety, which assured preparedness in periods of conflicts or crop failures (Harry). Third, the custom equalized the annual variations in the output levels of the villages. Some regions experienced better climatic conditions than other areas or suffered from unprecedented climatic changes and social disruptions such as conflicts, which caused the level of productivity and type of commodities to vary from one region to another. Thus, villages that received adequate rainfall during the year held the biggest feast for those whose production level was low. This system assured that the villages always had enough to consume regardless of whether they had conducive climatic conditions or not.
Socially, the potlatch was a mechanism for earning a high social status and prestige. The successful potlatch chiefs earned great respect and admiration not only from their village members but also from rival villages. They earned the reputation of being the most significant providers of both food and comfort, which contributed to the influx of settlers from neighboring villages considered poor and of low status. More people meant more labor and eventually higher production and bigger potlatches. Besides, chiefs magnified their wealth through receipt of the potlatch gifts. The clan of a great potlatch chief benefited from the substantial output that ensured a constant supply of food and material valuables throughout the year. This system promoted cooperation and the pooling of resources, thus creating strong interpersonal ties and close-knit clans. Furthermore, other clans looked up to it for aid thus exalting its status in the combined population of all the clans. Lastly, the high status of potlatch chiefs also extended indirectly to the followers since they assisted the chief in organizing the feats. They received respect, albeit on a smaller scale than their leaders, from their peers from rival clans.
Works Cited
Diamond, Jared. "The Worst Mistake in Human History?." Discover (1987): 64-66.
Harris, Marvin. "Potlatch." Annual Edition: Anthropology 91 (1990): 88-93.
Lavenda, Robert H., and Emily Ann Schultz. Anthropology: what does it mean to be human?. Oxford University Press, 2015.
Lee, Richard B. Eating Christmas in the Kalahari. American Museum of Natural History, 1969.
Wright, Karen. “Uncovering America’s Pyramid Builders” Discover (2004): 50-55.
