CHAPTER THREE: MAN AND ARAB MASCULINITY
As Carabí and Armengol (2014) show in their study, Arab masculinity is a hybrid concept entailing adherence to traditional patriarchal values held for centuries in the Arabic world and supported by the religious component of Islam; however, it also “allows liberal values” which might contradict this traditional patterns. Cultural and societal representation of Arab masculinity is thereby rather complex and might emerge in a variety of contexts including family and society on the larger scale. In these representations, stereotypical images of man in traditional Arab context might enclose controversies and correlations between liberal-secular masculinity and conservative masculinity image entrenched in Islamic ideology.
At the same time, the paradigm emerging from the orientalist studies of Arab masculinity incorporates the main stereotypical components of manhood for these societies – it is predominantly the image of hypersexual, atavistic, misogynist, patriarchal and overly aggressive maleness (Amar, 2011, p.38). However, in light of the emerging studies of the new, neoliberal image of Arab man, exploration of versatile and nonstereotypical images of masculinity is rather important. In the novels Where Pigeons Don’t Fly and Memory in the Flesh, representations of masculinity find different incarnations rooted in various societal and family contexts, though, not all of them are built upon the long-held orientalist stereotypes.
Man and family
In the traditional Arab masculinity studies, self-actualization of a man in the family context has been based largely on adherence to patriarchal values which, of course, involve fatherhood as the guise of manhood and active dominance over one’s family. Family has holds a special and extremely important place in the Arab value system, which makes affirmation of masculinity through patriarchal family vital for a man. Haj-Yahia’s (2003) study stresses preservation of patriarchal family values through the active and sometimes aggressive position of the man characterized by ‘high’ rates of “agency” and dominating status in the household. That is, Arab society values family on the whole and as a way of self-actualization for a man who is expected to provide for it and support it. Krajeski (2011) cited in Amar (2011, p.37) positions marriage and being the head of the household as a principal way for fulfillment of Arab manhood.
1.1. Father
An important implication of the aforementioned patriarchal family values is that the traditional Arab father’s image is constructed trough dominating fatherhood and authority. The Arab father is stereotyped as a provider; while fatherhood in general is “central in Arab conceptions of masculinity” (Bosch, 2012, p.102). Bosch also outlines such traits of the Arab fatherhood model as protection of the family’s honor, wisdom, understanding and prudence. Thereby, the Arab man fulfils his manhood through the active agency in the process of raising his children, protecting them, sharing his knowledge and wisdom. At the same time, a widespread stereotype of Arab parenthood purports that sons are more emotionally connected to their mothers, while fathers are more assertive and authoritative in their manner of parenting.
The image of father in both novels, Where Pigeons Don’t Fly and Memory in the Flesh, differs considerably from the traditional role model of an Arab father who is authoritative, looks after his family and assumes an active position in its protection and in decision-making; it could be stated that these images are completely opposite to this pattern of paternity. In Where Pigeons Don’t Fly, the main father figure presented to the reader is Fahd’ father Suleiman who is far more compliant with the liberal masculinity patterns despite the traditional Saudi environment. Suleiman’s own childhood was a rather painful experience, for his father would always distinguish him from his brother, and literally perceive Suleiman as a misfortune. After being involved in activity He is a prisoner for four years due to his involvement with the Divine Reward Salafist Group and thereafter he assumes the guise of a seemingly model father, in the liberal understanding, of course. Suleiman attempts hard to protect his son Fahd from making the same mistakes and facing repercussions, but Fahd, who is not committed to political ideologies, is blaming his father for his past actions. Suleiman leaves his journals, a “secret part of his life” (Al-Mohaimeed, 2014) to Fahd, literally passing his wisdom to him and attempting to teach him to be prudent.
However, the pattern of fatherhood emerging in the novel is non-traditional for fundamentalist Arab context. Suleiman is definitely a father whose masculinity is modified in the way to make his parental fulfilment less formal. A good quote confirming special intimacy and emotional commitment which existed between the father and his son is taken from the episode after Suleiman’s tragic death: “A boy of fifteen has a real need for a proper father like Suleiman, not just a paterfamilias who commands and denies, but an intimate friend in whose embrace he could find refuge” (Al-Mohaimeed, 2014, p.15). Indeed, such model of Arab fatherhood turns out to be more consistent with the models of the so-called emergent masculinity described by Inhorn (2011) and Inhorn and colleagues (2014), though emerging masculinity with its paternal care, tenderness and love (as the elements of reconceived Arab masculinity model) derives from male infertility and use of medical reproduction technologies popular in the modern Arab societies including Saudi Arabia.
In the second novel, Memory in the Flesh, fatherhood images are also rather controversial in terms of their consistency with the traditional Arab manhood, and the controversies are partially attributed to the liberation war in Algeria creating the historical background for the novel’s narrative. Khaled’s war comrade and close friend Si Tahir is depicted as a rather non-model father for his daughter Ahlam. Khaled reflects on Si Tahir’s possible preference for a son, stating that he had a male name ready before the daughter was born (Mosteghanemi, 2003, p.22) – a possible reflection of Arab patriarchy and overall inferior status of women. However, Si Tahir is also hardly a model Arab father: he did not register his daughter’s birth for a while and was too enthralled in the struggle for independence from the colonists that he did not fulfil himself in fatherhood to sufficient extent. As a result, his daughter Ahlam received more attention and care from Tahir’s friend Khaled and saw her own father only “a few times in [her] life” (Mosteghanemi, 2003, p.24).
At the same time looser fatherhood pattern in Algerian context is identified in Khaled’s own father who quickly replaced his late mother with another young wife and turned away from Khaled. While his father used to take pride in him and even hang his school certificates on the wall – one after another, he “lost interest in [Khaled] and started to take interest in other things, other plans that culminated in Mother’s death and a remarriage” (Mosteghanemi, 2014, p. 213). In Khaled’s case, the traditional Arab family in Algerian context broke down, while the image of manhood slowly retreated from the central idea of fatherhood and nurturing children.
1.2. Son
Fulfillment of an Arab man as a son in also a salient component of the process of masculinity development and affirmation. In Arab culture, sons are literally the hope of the family and the promise of honor and respect for it in future. At the same time, raising a decent successor for the father, a committed provide for the family’s wellbeing and a confident ‘leader’ of this societal unit is an integral task of the family, right after the purpose of procreation itself. As Cohen-More (2013) illustrates in the study of Arab sons and fathers, there is an inherent connection existing between the mother and the son, with the wife being attached to her son and the husband cherishing attachment to his mother as the primary one. That is, Son is an integral facet of the Arab manhood. On the other hand, the scholar stresses the authoritative and demanding attitude on the side of the father, which literally balanced mother’s caring love. Sons tend to respect and fear their fathers and yet try to imitate them in their relations with women in the family and beyond.
In Where Pigeons Don’t Fly, the reader encounters not just the nontraditional masculine image of an Arab father but also the non-model image of the son. Fahd’s male identity is considerably affected by the Westernalized trends and values and more subjected to liberal and egalitarian influences. The young protagonist turns out to be a rather passive and reckless male who would rather prefer escaping the problem to struggling and taking responsibility. Overall, this literary image is consistent neither with the stereotypical perceptions of Saudi men on the whole and sons in particular. Apparently, Saudi culture (and Arab social roles system on the whole) presupposes that the son is to replace his father in case of death and overtake responsibility for the family’s wellbeing. In other words, he is expected to become a new patriarch in the family. However, Fahd as a son is to weak, sensual and emotional – to prevent his uncle Saleh from exercising his despotism in the family, to protect his younger sister Lulua from becoming a suppressed female zombie under the uncle’s pressure, or to insist on the proper medical treatment for his cancer-ridden mother.
Moreover, liberal and caring fatherhood on the side of Suleiman results in portrayal of the nontraditional attachment pattern for Fahd as a son: instead of valuing his emotional connection with the mother, he is more attached to his father. It is the father whom he perceives as a caring and sensitive parent supportive of his dreams and aspirations: “Fahd’s father gave full credence to this myth – or insane lie – and bought him sketchbooks, watercolours and oil paints while his mother, irritable and seething, muttered that it would distract him from his studies not to mention that the fumes from the oil paint gave Lulua asthma attacks” (Al-Mohaimeed, 2014, p.41).
On the other hand, the image of son in Memory in the Flesh is constructed rather through the traditional pattern of Arab family values: Khaled as a son speaks about his mother with affection and values the emotional connection he had with her: “At the same time, I discovered that I was probably the only one who left behind the fresh grave of a mother who died from sickness and a broken heart [] and a father too busy with the demands of a young bride. The old adage - the orphan is not the who one loses his father but the one who loses his mother - is absolutely true” (Mosteghanemi, 2003, p.19). However, this quote also illustrates the unfulfilled aspect of father-son relationships which was apparently affected by the shift in Algerian family traditions and the retreat from traditional Algerian (and Arab) fatherhood model. Thereby, the image of son both in Algerian and in Saudi culture is depicted as somewhat or completely inconsistent with the traditional Islamic and Arab values, which is quite significant, considering the fact that Western culture continues imposing fundamentalist stereotypes.
1.3. Husband
As it is outlined in the overall gender paradigm of Orientalism and Arab masculinity studies, relationships between husband and wife in the Arab culture are greatly regulated by the patriarchal gender role distribution and related power relations. “Both /Islamic and cultural understandings of family dynamics give husbands rights over their wives” (Ouzgane, 2006, p.166). Marriage and husband-wife relationships literally become the pathway for realization of traditional masculinity, with the man’s machismo being affirmed through the opposition to and domination over the woman. Thereby, Saudi and Algerian cultures are expected to incorporate relations of inequality between wives and husbands, with the latter being entitled to command and make decisions for the former; such fundamentalist power balance construes masculinity through the image of an assertive and authoritative husband guaranteeing security in return for the wife’s full submission.
In Saudi context of Where Pigeons Don’t Fly, both traditional Orientalist model and the neoliberal image of husband are encountered. The latter – signifying deconstruction of the traditional conception of gender relations in Arab context – emerges mainly in the image of Suleiman, Fahd’s father who became a caring husband and a loving man for his wife Soha. Hos neoliberal pattern of manhood includes neither assertiveness nor despotism for the sake of his masculinity: “From the very first he set his heart on Soha and loved her dearly, not just as a wife but as a mother, a lover and a friend and for all their time together, the way he looked at her never changed” (Al-Mohaimeed, 2014, p.30). Such relationship pattern generally falls beyond the image of the male patriarch Western culture attributes to Arab world.
The opposite image of husband which is more consistent with Orientalist expectations is the image of Fahd’s uncle Saleh who overtakes control over the family after Suleiman’s death. In this case, Saleh is presented as a traditional male patriarch commanding the family and providing security for it: “Your Uncle Saleh is a safer bet than a stranger to keep the family safe and protect his niece from strangers entering the house” (Al-Mohaimeed, 2014, p.23). Uncle Saleh is equally devout in the issues of faith and in family hierarchy – let alone the fact that his masculinity is affirmed through polygyny, and Soha becomes the third wife for him. Even more, the decision-making process is usurped by Saleh and such traditionally submissive position of the woman eventually leads to her death: Saleh refuse to resort to any medical treatment methods considering prayer and faith the best healers.
In Memory in the Flesh, the image of husband receives less attention, though one is still able to identify the key tendencies in Algerian cultural tradition of masculinity. Khaled’s father is presented neither as a despotic husband or an overly liberal spouse, yet there are two tendencies emerging in this context. First, traditional conception of gendered power balance is hinted at in allusions to relationships between the father and the mother: “Father embroidered his adventures with scars and bruises on Mother’s body (Mosteghanemi, 2003, p.204). Khaled’s father is remembered as the one who ‘spent his money and manhood’ in a brothel and exhausted his wife with infidelity (Mosteghanemi, 2003, p.204). At the same time, Khaled recalls the cases when his father came home with some of his friends and all women wore expected to secrete themselves in their rooms. In other words, Mosteghanemi shows the inward side of seemingly more liberal gender hierarchy of Algeria which has little to do with true liberalization and persists despite Western influence. However, Khaled’s father still pays much attention to the desires of his new younger wife, which might seem the onset of change in treatment of Arab women.
Man and society
The societal context of Arab manhood, just like family, should not be overestimated: numerous gender and masculinity studies have been focusing on societal aspects of Arab masculinity and ways of its presentation.
2.1. Committee
Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice represents an important part of Arab gendered culture and particularly masculinity, revolving around the function of ‘moral’ control. Naturally, it is typical for a more conservative ideology and is therefore found only in the novel of Al-Mohaimeed, for it reflects social mores in Saudi Arabia. Committee is related to the organisation aimed at monitoring of social mores and behaviors in the public domains and enforcing observance of the moral laws prescribed by Islam. In other words, it is a Saudi type of ‘religious police’ which is depicted brightly in Fahd’s story of exile: “They would lead him away to face charges not merely of illegally consorting with a female, but also of using feigned affection and black magic to exercise his influence over the hapless girl” (Al-Mohaimeed, 2014, p.23). Committee is one of the most evident societal manifestations of Arab/Islamic masculinity as dominance and oppression: it imposes observance of conservative patriarchal traditions including gender discrimination and other aspects.
2.2. Freedom fighter
The guise of manhood finding very similar expressions in both Algerian and Saudi contexts, i.e. in both novels belonging to different Arab backgrounds, is that of a man as a freedom fighter – a typical integral facet of Arab male personality. For Arab men, affirmation of their masculinity often goes beyond protection of the family alone: the complex colonial environment and attempts of usurping control over the region on the side of Western powers nurtured this guise in Arab masculinity. Both novels revolve around the events of liberation struggle – both for Algeria and for Saudi Arabia.
Memory in the Flesh presents the model image of the Arabic man as a freedom fighter, Si Tahir: this man was an active participant of the liberation movement who literally belonged to the whole Algeria rather than to his family and his daughter. Si Tahir is portrayed as a typical leader of anti-colonialist movement ready to sacrifice himself for the sake of his homeland and devoted to the cause. Si Tahir literally fulfilled much of his manhood in the dangerous and violent struggle for dignity and pride for his people; this was, in fact, the key pathway for him to affirm his masculinity. Importantly, Khaled does not go into details concerning the man’s personal traits; his character remains framed in the heroic sentiments: “His dream was to see Algeria freed from the superstition and worn-out traditions that had oppressed and destroyed his generation” (Mosteghanemi, 2003, p.66). Therefore, this image of manhood emerges as principal and specific for Arab culture, while Si Tahir’s image seems to be a generalized portrayal of any ‘real’ man in Arab understanding – a man devoted to his religion, culture and land and ready to sacrifice himself for the great cause.
2.3. Terrorist
In Amar’s (2011) study, the Arab masculinity framework related to the correspondence between violence and unfulfilled manhood is described. The author shows that Arab men are stereotyped and perceived as a threat in the Western world due to the persistent association between Arab masculinity and terrorism. In Orientalism, Arab, Muslim and Middle Eastern masculinities are associated with the inherent “potential for violence” (Jamal & Naber, 2008, p.292) and are therefore condemned and feared. At the same time, in the context of 9/11 and more recent terroristic attacks, the image of Arab masculinity became even more demonized and stereotyped. However, the perspective illustrated by the ‘insiders’, that is, the authors originating from two different Arab cultures, shows that the conception of terrorism cannot be applied generally to Arab manhood. In Where Pigeons Don’t Fly, Saeed and Fahd call the Islamic Awareness Society and Islamic Club terrorists, while Memory in Flesh creates an even more subtle insight into the aspect of terrorism, Mosteghanemi never uses the word ‘terrorism’. This difference between the books is especially interesting considering the different cultural and historical contexts of Algeria and Saudi Arabia: Algerian men are all about freedom-fighting in their manhood, while Saudi masculinity finds different outlets including extremism and terrorism alike.
2.4. Victim
Victimization can be considered anther guise characterizing Arab masculinity in the modern context. In fact, as the traditional view of masculinity in Arab culture does not involve such aspect, for it would damage the very tenets of patriarchy as the power and control of men, the modern gender and cultural discourses admit weakness in Arab men which is justified by the so-called situational masculinity. Thereby, the novels portray male victimized characters – the one victimized by his home country, the victim of the Arab regime; and the other who became the victim of freedom-fighting and – surprisingly – love. The first instance is Fahd who became the victim of Saudi absurd moral policies induced by the traditional Arab/Muslim culture; as a result, he had to leave his home. On the other hand, however, his father could also be recalled as a victim of the Arab regime. Memory in the Flesh portrays the narrator as a victim of the struggle for freedom. Khaled is definitely a man broken by his ‘heroic’ past spent in the struggle for Algerian independence where he lost his left arm. Khaled’s manhood is also victimized by his wrong and unrequited love for his best friend’s daughter who is much younger than he is: “Maybe I was just a victim of my own illusion” (Mosteghanemi, 2003, p.9). Si Tahir, on the contrary, is by no means a victimized man: his power and masculinity found a decent outlet in his freedom-fighting which automatically transferred his death from the categories of victims to that of heroic self-sacrifice.
References
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