Book Review: Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class
Book Review: Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class
Jefferson Cowie is a Labor historian and a professor of Industrial Labor Relations at the Cornell University (Jefferson Cowie). Cowie’s book Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class is a classic explanation of the manner in which the 1970s’ legislative and fiscal mayhems in the United Stated affected the life of the common American (Cowie 2010). He recalls the circumstances of the era to remind the reader of the cultural changes that took place due to the 1970s’ labor liberalization, which was a vital event that redefined the history of the United States. His insightful observations show that the political stratagems and labor industry norms adopted then have become historically significant in appreciating the fact that the 1970s were an important but unacknowledged period of evolution from the post-depression era. After the Great Depression, President Roosevelt’s New Deal programs resulted in a middle-class that was largely hopeful and positive of the reforms that would improve their life. However, since the 1980s, the ever expanding economic and social disparities and the increasing poverty levels have stifled the optimism of the 1930s. Cowie discusses the 1970s’ industrial and labor market in commercial cities such as Ohio and Pittsburgh as well as the decisions taken in the political center of the country at Washington. He takes the reader through the eras of Presidents Nixon, Ford, and Carter. Furthermore, he associates civilization and politics by making observations and analyses about the entertainment industry trends that reflect the zeitgeist of this era. He thus shows how the United States changed its focus from the 1960s extremism issues to the patriotism exalted by President Reagan. He makes startling associations linking some clandestine activities of the Nixon government to the collapse of the anti-war campaign initiated by Senator George McGovern. Thus, Cowie writes a book that reminds of a significant social issue—the persecution of blue-collar workers by voracity of the corporate powers and that of the union and legislative bodies—alongside some interesting insights regarding the cultural nature of the era. His book is not simply an essay on the social history of the United States, but a momentous representation and interpretation of a period that changed the living conditions of a large number of Americans.
In Stayin’ Alive, Cowie views the situation of the middle-class citizens of the United States, that is, the working class, with a novel perspective and by exercising the influence of constructive and robust arguments about the circumstances of the 1970s. He shows the elements that lend the period a tragic quality by categorizing the book into two sections of four chapters each. He bluntly reveals the desolation in the transition from the 1970s to the later decades by stating that the “working people (who) would possess less place and meaningful identity within civic life than any time since the industrial revolution” (Cowie, 2010, p. 209). In the first section he forwards this perspective about the period by referring to Beth Bailey and David Farber’s works regarding the conditions in the United States in the 1970s (Cowie, 2010, p. 371). He then discusses the change in political cross-currents—as Governor George Wallace forwarded his segregation theories, Senator George McGovern his anti-war campaign, and finally, when President Ronald Reagan took a rigid attitude toward trade unions—as reflected in works of writers like Dewey Burton (Cowie, 2010, pp. 103, 110, 307). Cowie declares the 1968 Democratic Party to be fundamentally a labor party, although it was divided in context to its members’ opinions (Cowie, 2010, p. 83). Furthermore, he proffers an evaluation of incidents such as the General Motors labor strike of 1972 at the factory in Lordstown and states that the demands of the workers were not simply financial; the workers demanded an improvement in their working conditions (Cowie, 2010, pp. 42–48). He then reveals the internal divide among the members of the United Mine Workers of America as they fought for the rights for the laborers (Cowie, 2010, pp. 42–48). Finally Cowie ends the section by mentioning the now well-known and underhanded means adopted by Nixon to win against Wallace in the race for presidency (Cowie, 2010, p.121). He highlights that irrespective of the ability of the Nixon government to realize and superficially act in par with the lingo and ideology of the blue-collar class—without actually understanding the material concerns—the government then formed was challenged in the issues caused by labor leaders such as George Meany (Cowie, 2010, pp.152–153).
In the second section, Cowie points out some newly originated establishments such as the Business Roundtable that attempted to directly tackle the material concerns under the office presence of leaders such as Carter, who was empathetic to the labor causes (Cowie, 2010, pp. 230–231). Cowie then writes about the cultural significance of the period alongside the political and labor one. He observes that artists such as Merle Haggard, whose milieu and musical achievements were hindered by fractious hit numbers like “Okie from Muskogee,” were said to be of a lesser quality that famous works like the Scorsese independent film Taxi Driver (Cowie, 2010, pp. 169–172). Similarly, country musicians such as Crosby Stills Nash and Young were believed to be superior to others like Jackson Browne (Cowie, 2010, pp. 182–183). Bruce Springsteen stood out with his defined representation of the life of middle-class blue-collars as one that has to be endured than lived (Cowie, 2010, pp. 213). Cowie then shows the materialization of demographic changes in the working class portrayal that led to the disco movement, feminist liberation symbols like Sally Field (Cowie, 2010, pp. 213, 321). While Cowie is conscientiously cautious in mentioning the defects in the McGovern’s campaign, it can be assumed that the book has a somewhat idealistic perception of things (Cowie, 2010, p.112). Likewise, it can be seen that Cowie fittingly expresses his observations regarding a feeling of restlessness and agitation in terms of race and gender related issues within the labor movement (Cowie, 2010, pp. 236, 263). As regards the public sector, he also correctly mentions the increasingly fast pace of unionization (Cowie, 2010, p. 234). However, he seems to be predisposed to stretch the international economy in a biased manner, as although he continuously mentions oil shocks, he does not mention the auto industry problems (Cowie, 2010, p.222). Finally, it is apparent that Cowie does not mean to indicate that the social struggle of the labor class ended by the beginning of the 1980s. However, it can be observed that a certain variety of struggles simply ebbed, and he reminds us that it is important that we remember the lessons from the previous struggles for the ones that are about to emerge.
References:
Cowie, J. R. (2010). Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class. New York: The New Press.
Jefferson Cowie. Retrieved 5 December 2011 http://www.jeffersoncowie.com/Jefferson_Cowie/About.html
