Draw Topic & Writing Ideas From This Essay On Race And Gender

For one to understand Michelle Alexander’s ideologies on the barriers that hinder the success of African-Americans, an exploration of her arguments is necessary. Accordingly, the author insists on the existence of a “rigid social stratification” that seeks to instill the values of white supremacy in the United States through the mass incarceration of colored persons (Alexander talk, par.1). Now, while the physical separation of whites and other racial groups is evident in the country’s present-day prison systems, the method is merely the latest invention by the supremacist Caucasians. Initially, in the antebellum period, the institution of slavery declared persons of African descent the legal properties of white persons. Consequently, dark skin meant no rights on American soil and the federal government endorsed the slavery system. Eventually, abolition sentiments from the North took over, and emancipation came at the price a Civil War. Nonetheless, the freedom of slaves merely meant that a new method was necessary, and by the closing of the nineteenth century, the Jim Crow laws were already active in the Southern States. Accordingly, Jim Crow legalized black disfranchisement and went on to segregate the country’s private and public institution based on race. Hence, black people were back in the same position of inferiority, albeit without the yoke of slavery. In response, the Civil Rights Movement helped gain African-Americans their rights to vote and segregation became illegal throughout the country. However, as Alexander points out, white supremacists promptly set up the “New Jim Crow” through the which the mass incarceration of colored individuals hinder their progress through “prison, jail, parole, [and] probation” (talk, par.2). While behind bars, black and brown persons are physically isolated from the Caucasians. Once they get out, the law “strips them of civil and human rights” by tainting their records and making them ineligible for suitable employment and proper housing (Alexander talk, par.2). Now, hints of foul play are evident in the fact that an estimated eighty to ninety percent of drug offenders are African Americans, yet they have the same probability rate of using drugs as any white person. In that sense, just as slavery and Jim Crow infringed the rights of colored persons, mass incarcerations under the guise of the War on Drugs serve a similar purpose.
Yes, Alexander’s proposals would increase the number of equal opportunities. The ideal ground on which the given claim has a basis is apparent in Bernard Williams’ Idea of Equality that conforms to the definition of formal equality of opportunity given above. In the analysis, Williams likens equality with a warrior class that calls for strength if one wishes to join. Whereas only the wealthy provided warriors before, a change in the rules avails every individual to try out for a position after which, only the best will go on to become soldiers (Williams par.1). Now, there is a reason it was a “rich-only” class. Physical strength demands proper health and consistent food consumption. Thus, once a man or woman lacks any of the two necessities, he or she becomes feeble and incapable of performing even the most basic tasks. In other words, despite the changed rules, the rich would still provide the most warriors because no effort seeks to change the economic statuses of the impoverished. About Alexander’s proposals, the woman targets the root of the problem: the children born into deplorable living conditions. The “care, compassion, and concern” she mentions could very well encompass meeting the concrete and abstract needs of the children; ranging from providing stable homes to psychiatric help before things spiral out of control. In that sense, the underlying problems that encourage colored individuals to sell and purchase drugs would become non-existent and as Williams reckons, the tactics would solve all “[disingenuous] bad luck” of the poor (par.2).
On a personal level, it makes sense to support Alexander’s proposals just because they bridge the gap[s] created by years of racial segregation that appear to favor one group at the expense of another. Throughout American history, Caucasians have enjoyed the best available facilities, services, goods, and everything else in all spheres of society. Socially and economically, white skin meant a higher class and freedom to access the best available economic opportunities in the lands. Similarly, in the political arena, the federal government was for white people, and as Alexander explains, that particular trend is yet to change. Still, the correlation between public action and change is hard to ignore. The Civil War came about after the Northern whites chose to defend blacks, and the Civil Rights Movement was successful once black people took to the streets. Hence, the chances of success for “treat them like one of us” are considerably high and worth attempting in the efforts of social reform (talk par.5).
Louise Marie Roth’s identification of problems that women face while working on Wall Street stems from the cultural norms that societies associate with the female gender. From the perceptions of women having lesser physical strength than their male counterparts do to the traditions that limit woman within the boundaries of homemaking, the situation is no different in principal companies. Notably, the identified problems remain interconnected throughout a woman’s career and as a result, give outcomes that mimic a ripple effect in the life of every professional. Foremost, there is the issue of long working hours that leave little to no room for flexibility let alone rest (Roth 26). In what Roth dubs the culture of around the clock devotion, male and female workers have to devote their persons and time to the company for which they work lest they lose clients the benefits that come with the job. Naturally, men stand a better chance at dedicating their time and energy to work while the female physiology leaves women at a disadvantage. After all, men cannot get pregnant. Thus emerges the rest of the barriers that come with that particular issue of the female body. At the beginning of the ripple effect mentioned above, is the women-specific ability to carry pregnancies and as the waves go outwards, other factors come into play. If a woman opts to start a family, she has to consider her new role as a mother and the designated caregiver of the household; if she chooses to forego the family scene, she still has to deal with the “sexually charged macho atmosphere” that leads to possible sexual harassment (Roth 31-33). Nonetheless, there are more barriers for women than there is for men, and if forced to deal with them, the latter has better chances of succeeding than the former.
Yes, Roth’s proposal could create equal opportunities as she focuses on how to increase substantive equality of opportunity, which as explained in number one, goes beyond simply leveling the competition arena. In other words, it will not be enough to give men and women equal chances at competing for a job position because the male gender has more “prospects of success” than the females do; hence, other factors are necessary to ensure women succeed as well (Arneson 10). Accordingly, Joseph E. Stiglitz uses the example of children born into impoverished families to explain what turns the concept of equal opportunity to reality. Stiglitz reckons that when poor children who academically succeed have lesser chances of graduating college than the richer children “who do worse in school,” equality becomes a “myth” (17-19). Apparently, the poor children lack something that is otherwise available to those who come from wealthy families. Hence, unless involved persons or groups go beyond what is on the surface, the chances of equal success for all concerned parties would be unachievable. Consequently, when Wall Street firms provide their employees with opportunities to compete for promotions and benefits, they have to go beyond the idea of equality being subject to every person’s dedication. Some may be willing to work long hours but lack the capacity to do so for one reason or another and in most cases, the women who fall short. Thus said, Roth’s proposal that encourages the education of senior management[s] on how to make competition within the firms fairer promises better conditions for women.
Yes, it is wise to support Roth’s proposals. Unlike in the case of racism in the United States, where history itself places black people at a disadvantage based on ideologies of white supremacy when it comes to matters of gender bias the problems are not as apparent. In other words, the disparities between black and white people are on the skin color and nothing more. White means authority and black highlights inferiority, simple. However, for men and women, there are deeper divisions that encompass traditional norms. On that note, the fact that said traditions are more restrictive on women than they are for men does not help matters. For that reason, when seeking to provide both genders with the same benefits at work, employers need to do more than just announce their availability in an office meeting. For elaboration purposes, The Civil Rights Movement comes to mind. The protests sought to enfranchise black people and once African-Americans could vote that was enough because the entire black race could approach the ballot boxes. Now, suppose one moves the same scenario to the offices where the male and female employees have to vote for the new manager by seven o’clock in the morning. Both the married and single men would have no problem because they have no obligations to fulfill that early in the morning. However, what of the mothers who have to prepare breakfast for their families and drop off the children at school? At this point, Roth’s proposal comes into play and would probably have the manager move the voting process to a later time so the women could also participate.