East Asian Politics Final Essays Examples

1.
Throughout the 1980s, both South Korea and Taiwan engaged in a series of reforms towards democratization, with both having been under the control of authoritarian governments. Although South Korea and Taiwan differed in terms of their domestic political context, there is an understanding that both shared a similar road to democratization, characterized by the following elements: growing protest movements, diplomatic relations with the United States (US) and government reform initiatives.
Understood as the prime manifestation of dissatisfaction towards authoritarianism, the rise of protest movements in South Korea and Taiwan account for their contextualized stories of democratization. South Korea, having been under the dictatorial control of Maj. Gen. Park Chung-Hee for over 17 years as President, have become increasingly displeased with the oppressive measures of his authoritarian regime coupled by the worsening economic conditions of the nation. The assassination of President Park in in 1979 prompted for a viable opening for democratic reforms presided by a transitional government under Prime Minister Choi Kyu Ha. Yet, Maj. Gen. Chun Doo Hwan and Maj. Gen. Roh Tae Woo seized control by declaring martial law in South Korea amidst massive protests. Chun installed himself as President of South Korea, with Roh becoming an important political figure under his regime and his eventual successor. Despite continued economic growth throughout the 1980s, South Korea remained politically tense under the authoritarian regime of President Chun, yet there is an understanding that he is open to the prospect of democratic reforms, recognizing the need of the nation to witness peaceful democratic reforms amidst pressure coming from protests. Moreover, the relationship of South Korea with the US served as another pressure point to the authoritarian regime of President Chun. Geopolitical considerations brought forth by the communist threat posed by the Soviet Union-controlled North Korea and the agenda of the administration of US President Ronald Reagan on democracy promotion further urged South Korea to adopt democratic values into its system, particularly against the oppressive measures associated with the regime of President Chun. With the intention of hosting a peaceful transfer of power alongside a legacy of strong economic growth for South Korea as it is about to host the 1988 Olympic Games that time, President Chun freed many of the political prisoners of his regime and installed them back to their normal lives, and unreservedly exited from his post following a free and fair presidential election in 1987 won by his loyal stalwart, Roh.
Taiwan, for its part, has been struggling to keep its sovereignty from mainland China, which has since been keen on treating it as one of its provinces and not as a separate nation. To mitigate fears of any possible backlash from mainland China, then overtaken by communist leader Mao Zedong to become the People’s Republic of China (PRC), President Chiang-Kai Shek led Taiwan as the Republic of China (ROC) under martial law, which became notorious for crackdowns on perceived communist sympathizers through imprisonment, torture and execution. Nevertheless, the authoritarian regime of President Chiang oversaw the rapid economic growth of Taiwan in the 1960s through industrialization and technological innovations, a period known as the Taiwan Miracle. Nevertheless, growing unrest over accusations of oppression towards the Kuomintang (KMT), then the only recognized political party in Taiwan led by President Chiang, culminated with the start of an era of liberalization preceded by the tragic Kaohsiung Incident, which involved the deaths of several pro-democracy protesters under the hands of the government. The rise to power of Chiang Ching-Kuo in 1978, the son of President Chiang, fostered a period of democratic liberalization in Taiwan. Diplomatic tensions with the US, which changed its preference by abandoning its recognition of the ROC as the legitimate government of China in favor of the PRC, urged Taiwan towards greater democratization. The rise of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) as the main opposition political party in Taiwan signaled progress in democratic reforms in the nation. Despite cases of corruption emerging throughout the 1990s, Taiwan remains as a democratic nation on its own accord with a continuously thriving economy.
2.
Essentially, Chinese Confucianism and Korean Confucianism are similar, in that both do not deviate from the teachings of Confucius, the founder of Confucianism. Yet, what sets apart Chinese Confucianism from its Korean variant is its implementation and practice in society. Generally speaking, Chinese Confucianism is looser in terms of adherence, while Korean Confucianism involves a stricter application of the teachings of Confucius, particularly in affairs involving the government. Whereas there is an understanding that the influence of Korean Confucianism has waned over time, the presence of its values in contemporary South Korean society still prevails normatively.
Chinese Confucianism places its core values on universal order, particularly within society. Crucial to understanding Chinese Confucianism as it operates within society is the importance for every person to understand his role and responsibilities within society. Simply put, understanding society based on hierarchical assignments is key to Chinese Confucianism; younger people are supposed to respect elders, while elders must exhibit great responsibility in putting their wisdom into practice to guide younger people. Strictness is generally condoned, although harshness is condemned in Chinese Confucianism. Characterized by the so-called “five disciplines” for every kind of relationship between people, Chinese Confucianism seeks to instill harmonious order in society: (1) justice between the sovereign and constituents, (2) strong fellowship between the father and his son, (3) different yet complementing roles between the husband and his wife, (4) superiority of the elder over the younger person and (5) trust between all friends. As a general rule, Chinese Confucianism treats with great importance the ascendancy of elders, in that younger people are forbidden from performing immoral acts in their presence. By the same token, elders must not abuse their authority in handling younger people, as a caring and nurturing attitude is highly favored from them. Extending the hierarchical relationship to professional and government affairs, every father, the head of the family, is subservient to his employer, who in turn is subservient to the ruler of his nation. Chinese Confucianism therefore regards the ruler of every nation as one that should have a strong responsibility in upholding the common good for his constituents, for failure to do so due to corruption and lack of wisdom and incompetence inevitably results to the downfall of his nation. It is in that wise where Chinese Confucianism seeks to instill social order – a concept that is heavily observed by many Koreans as it came to influence them hundreds of years ago. Korean Confucianism emanated as an application of Chinese Confucianism on Korean society, which featured a relatively more rigid form of adherence to the teachings of Confucius, especially within the government. From ceremonial decorum to education and supervision in professional and government affairs, Korean Confucianism has become an integral way of living for Koreans, so much to the point that even many of the Chinese see them as being more upright in adhering to the teachings of Confucius. Although there is a general understanding that Korean Confucianism has waned in contemporary times, given the inevitable changes brought by modernization, it is undeniable that crucial facets of such belief system continues to permeate the surface of Korean social relations. Strong kinship ties, for instance, has since remained an integral part of Korean culture, enabling modern-day Koreans to exhibit great regard to their family members, most notably in terms of reliance for emotions. In government affairs, however, there is an apparent failure on the part of contemporary South Korean politicians to uphold the values of Korean Confucianism, given the scandalous issues of corruption and administrative maladies that has affected South Korea during the final stretch of the 20th century. Nevertheless, it is highly apparent that the history of Koreans on their strong affiliation and adherence to the teachings of Confucius has enabled them to set Korean Confucianism apart from its traditional Chinese counterpart, to the extent that it has aided South Korea in its rise as a proud nation fuelled by impressive economic growth and enthusiasm over patriotic affairs.
3.
The performance of East Asian nations, particularly Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and most recently, mainland China, is largely attributable to the East Asian Model, which accounts for the following notable observations: sustained economic growth at high levels for long periods, social, political and economic diversity, and economic activities that are industrialized, export-oriented and socially beneficial in nature. The East Asian Model is characterized by the following elements: investment and trade-driven growth, active governmental involvement, strong regional cooperation and economic development driven towards poverty reduction.
Strong economic interaction among East Asian nations via trade and investment activities stands out as a remarkable feature of the East Asian Model. East Asian nations accommodate a variety of social, political and economic elements that enable them from pressuring one another in creating and fostering improvements in trade and investment. Given the foregoing respect, economic integration stands as a favorable result of the East Asian Model that benefits Southeast Asian nations as well, with the help of regional cooperation via the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Such results to the promotion of social, political and economic improvements that are not just limited at the policy level, but also in material terms as well. Japan, for instance, has rendered a series of overseas development assistance (ODA) projects to improve dynamicity in the linkages connecting East and Southeast Asian economies, serving as formidable solutions to the multifaceted needs of the private sector therein. Political stability stands as another crucial element of the East Asian Model, within which good governance is the core. Trade and investment activities are understandably predictable within East Asian nations, given that political stability involves the operation of definitive policies, peaceful leadership transitions and responsive governments, and social unity. East Asian nations, in further instilling political stability, are also active in promoting regional integration and introducing remedies to destructive consequences of growth. Overall, governments of East Asian nations are more active in pursuing political stability to provide a favorable environment for greater economic productivity. Regional cooperation is another element characterizing the East Asian Model, which emphasizes the importance of maintaining a favorable regime for social, political and economic interaction among East Asian and Southeast Asian nations. Among the concerns of regional cooperation under the East Asian Model are the following: regional security, eliminating income and development gaps, promoting and sustaining globalization and developing human resources, all of which are covered presently under the ASEAN plus three (Japan, mainland China and South Korea) framework. Economic development resulting to poverty reduction is another element of the East Asian Model achieved in cooperation with international organizations such as the World Bank and United Nations (UN). Strategies for poverty reduction under the East Asian model are based on the goals and endowments set by the UN and the World Bank, respectively, all of which undergo under conditions of relentless developments, given the understanding that it is impossible to produce an all-inclusive remedy for all social problems and issues.
In sum, it is inevitable for one to ponder on the possibility of applying the East Asian Model to less successful states outside East and Southeast Asia. Whereas there is an understanding that the economic network fostered by East Asian nations have incorporated most of the Southeast Asian nations towards leading them to apply the East Asian Model, one could point out that it may not immediately apply to nations outside East and Southeast Asia due to variations in social, political and economic stability, in turn affecting the quality of human resources and knowledge transfers. Economic success under the East Asian model rests on a dynamic set of factors relying on stability in social and political affairs, particularly the competence and integrity of government officials. Therefore, one could account the struggles of developing nations on attaining optimal levels of economic growth akin to that under by the East Asian Model on the lack of stability in society and government. Nevertheless, as shown by the East Asian nations in the regional scale, economic cooperation could serve as incentives for developing nations to become more socially and politically stable.
4.
Studying East Asian security requires the application of the following theoretical perspectives in international relations: classical realism, neorealism, liberalism and neoliberal institutionalism, and constructivism. During the Cold War, East Asian security was characterized by the significant presence of the US military (classical realism), the bipolar tussle for power between the US and the Soviet Union (neorealism), increasing economic interdependence due to speedy economic growth (liberalism and neoliberal realism) and normative measures coming from regional cooperation (constructivism). After the Cold War, however, the downfall of the Soviet Union has set forth the following implications: multipolarity (classical realism), the rise of mainland China as the regional power (neorealism), harmonious multipolar economic relations (liberalism and neoliberal realism) and peaceful multipolar interactions among ex-Cold War adversaries (constructivism).
The security dilemma of East Asia in the post-Cold War era involves the somewhat contemptuous rise of mainland China as a contender to the current position of the US as its principal figure in regional security affairs. Although the PRC denies that mainland China has the objective of overtaking the US in the foregoing regard, it is nevertheless important to note its recent moves to support multilateralism and reject military-based partnerships in favor of those that involve confidence-building and strategic alternatives to those pointing to US regional alliance. Nevertheless, mainland China has since asserted its desire to maintain favorable US-mainland China relations, as it allows US presence to prevail within East and Southeast Asia for it to focus on its issues on internal security affairs. The US, for its part, continues to foster the role of heading regional security affairs in East and Southeast Asia, with emphasis on assimilating mainland China therein, given that the PRC sees itself as quite an antagonistic object of US regional concerns.