Introduction
Poverty is a mainstay concern among the First Nations’ women of Canada. In this context, First Nations refers to the indigenous people and will be used synonymously to mean the Aboriginal population of Canada. Past researches on the issue found that the rates of poverty of the Aboriginal women in the country are about double that of non-Aboriginal women (National Collaboration Center for Aboriginal Health, 2010). In the light of this observation, this paper seeks to further explore the issue of impoverished First Nations’ women in Canada by focusing on the present state of affairs and the possible causes. This objective will be achieved through an in-depth evaluation of Canadian statistics on poverty and a review of related literature with respect to the Canadian female population. Indeed there is a clear-cut gap between the poverty levels of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women in Canada that may be evidenced by or consequential to various factors.
There are multiple arguments in support of the prevalence of impoverished Aboriginal women in Canada. The paper will examine major issues in an attempt to establish the nature of this concern from both prevalence and causative perspectives. A major concern to this respect is the perennial structural inequities that were instituted by colonialism among the Canadian population (Barsh, N.d, p. 1). Other significant issues include the government’s role, the role of the Aboriginal culture as well as the legal perspective. O’Donnell and Wallace (2012) found that the significant gap that existed between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women in the country with regard to poverty is evidenced by poor social welfare measures such as life expectancy. They noted that earlier research on the matter had found a disturbing gap in comparisons. In another research, Bowen et al (2009) found that Canadian Aboriginal women have high social risk for living in poverty than the non-Aboriginal female population. First Nations women in Canada are clearly impoverished as evidenced by the prevalence of higher poverty rates among this population as opposed to the non-Aboriginal counterparts. Further, the observation is a consequence of multiple factors.
Prevalence of impoverished First Nations women in Canada
The prevalence of impoverished First Nations women in Canada is widely documented. This population is marginalised for various reasons and can hardly compare to the non-Aboriginal women in a number of aspects relating to welfare. O’Donnell and Wallace (2012) identified several poor social welfare measures in support of the argument that First Nations women have impoverished lifestyles.
First Nations women population in Canada have poorer overall health than other women. Health status is an important determinant of social welfare. In their study, Bruce et al (2011) observed that the health disparity between Aboriginal women and the rest of the Canadian female population rises with age. The percentage of Aboriginal female population with chronic conditions for instance is much higher in the older groups. The study found that 88% of First Nations women had been diagnosed with at least one chronic condition in 2006. In general, Milloy et al observed that there is a higher prevalence of arthritis, high blood pressure, asthma, heart conditions and diabetes among Aboriginal women than in the non-Aboriginal women (2010 p. 1964). This chronic and other health concerns that are conspicuous in the Aboriginal female population have serious implications for their average lifespan. As a consequence, the life expectancy of Aboriginal women is low compared to the non-Aboriginal women (Bruce et al, 2011). O’Donnell and Wallace (2012) stated that in 2001, Aboriginal females had life expectancy of 76.8 years. This is over five years less than non-Aboriginal women’s life expectancy at that time of slightly over 82 years.
Drug abuse is a widespread social concern. The issue raises substantial health concern with respect to Aboriginal women than their non-Aboriginal counterparts. The effects of such usage of illicit drug are worrying as concerns the health of those involved. Stark (2013) argued that it was the life of substance abusers that was at stake with regard to the Aboriginal women. In a study investigating the premature death effects of illicit drug overdose, Milloy et al (2010) at al found that out of 195 deaths during the study period that represented women, 114 were first Nations individuals. This number is alarming considering the fact that the percentage of First Nations women to the total female population in Canada is much smaller, yet more than half of the deceased were First Nations women. Their findings were consistent with earlier conclusions on the same topic, suggesting that excess usage of illicit drugs among the Aboriginal females are important explanations of the wide gap in health and wellbeing between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations in the country.
Another problem facing the First Nation’s women in Canada is poverty. One would expect the problem to be under control in a developed country like Canada. The situation, on the contrary, is alarming. Stark (2013) observed that poverty is a major hardship for Aboriginal women in the country that pushes them into high risk situations. The average income of Aboriginal population is low compared to that of the non-Aboriginal population. Further, that of Aboriginal women is downright low compared to non-Aboriginal women. On average, the annual income for an Aboriginal woman is $13, 300 while that for non-Aboriginal women is $19,350 (Nicol, 2011 p. 9). This discrepancy is worth the concern given. Income is a basic measure of every household’s wellbeing. With a low income, most First Nations women find their lifestyles undesirable compared to those of non-Aboriginal women. The impact of poverty on Aboriginal women is demeaning especially in a capitalist economy like Canada. Nicol (2011) noted that poverty drives Aboriginal women into high-risk situations like homelessness and prostitution.
Unemployment is high among the Aboriginal women. This is a major identifying factor to their impoverished lives. The percentage of this population that participates in the labour force is low compared to that of non-Aboriginal women (O’Donnell & Wallace, 2012). As earlier stated, even for those participating in the paid work force, their average income is low. Many of them are hence less likely to match the living standards of their counterparts, who on their part have higher incomes and more work force participation.
Education is an important determinant of an individual’s lifestyle in modern societies. Multiple researches have noted the disparities in levels of education between the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women. O’Donnell and Wallace (2012) found that in 2006, 35% of Aboriginal women above 24 years had not graduated from high school. This figure is contrasted with 20% for the case of non-Aboriginal women in the same year. The statistics for post-secondary education is similarly appalling. Although more Aboriginal women are increasingly attaining post-secondary qualifications, few are likely to have a university degree (Mills and McCreary, 2013). Unemployment largely constrains the ability of many Aboriginal families to educate their children to within certain standards. This is may be one of many factors leading to low levels of education within this population.
The arguments above resonate with the view presented in the topic of study which is also the first hypothesis that First Nations women are impoverished. This finding leads to the second major section of this study that seeks to establish the causes of the condition found above, namely impoverished First Nations women.
Causative perspective
Colonialism left major loopholes in the lives of Aboriginal women and Aboriginal population in general through its practices. Today, the effects of colonialism are still widely felt in Canada as regards the Aboriginal population. This historical experience has been termed as an instrument of multiple oppressions for Aboriginal women in Canada (Stark, 2013). Stark argued that the Indian Act for instance, demeaned the status of Aboriginal women in various ways. The Act brought about a lifestyle of dependency among the First Nations people that was even more severe on women than men. Its impacts have lived on through history and are still being experienced by Aboriginal women in modern Canada. As per the Indian Acts, Indian women who married non-Indians would not only lose their Indian statutes, but also the associated rights and the process was irreversible (Stark, 2013). The passing of the Act implied that for many years to follow, Aboriginal women would be stripped off their rights and privileges. Today, one may argue that the mishaps of the Aboriginal women can be partly associated with such socially constructed policies of the Indian Act. The Act defined the Aboriginal woman in a manner that obstructed them from being able to be politically and economically empowered.
The formation of reserves by the colonial government marginalised Aboriginal groups, denying them the opportunity to compete in a new economic structure of capitalism based on Europe’s practices. On-reserve institutions that were part of the government’s initiatives to enhance the lives of Aboriginal groups have had lasting severe effects on Aboriginal women. The on-reserve residency system redefined the sense of self-determination and autonomy that previously characterised Aboriginal communities. The role of women which, according to Mills and McCreary (2013), had been outstandingly vital to the community was hardly recognizable under the colonial period (Stark, 2013). On-reserve lifestyles implied that Aboriginal women depended almost entirely on the government and Aboriginal men for survival. Even to date, empowerment of the group is yet to reach desirable levels.
The role of the Canadian government in contributing to the wellbeing of First Nations women cannot be overlooked. While the federal government has taken measures to ensure the wellbeing of this population, many researchers have argued that the government’s failure to address the shortcomings of colonial legacy in time continues to confront Aboriginal groups. Aboriginal women suffer significantly more in this aspect (Mills & McCreary, 2013). The Indian Act and the on-reserve residency schemes are notable examples. Aboriginal women who had lost status as a result of marrying non-Indians had to endure the suffering imposed on them by the Indian Act until 1985 when the government was forced to amend the Act. Even so, Mills and McCreary argued that the Canadian government made adjustments to its budget to contain rising costs of maintaining the residential system. After 1985, little changed in terms of power relations as Stark observed (2013). The funding structure continued to be external to Aboriginal control, and the reforms followed a similar pattern to the colonial regime by continuing the power relations instituted by colonialism.
Aboriginal traditional lifestyles were complex and women played a significant role in establishing the welfare of the entire community. Although each Aboriginal community had its distinct cultural practices, in general, women were more recognized as an integral part of the community’s wellbeing. In contrast, the European social structures that were put in place by colonialism were highly individualistic and lowered the role of Aboriginal women for many decades to follow (Voyageur, 2011). The system disrupted the conventional means of sustaining a food-sufficient and healthy Aboriginal community, a role that was carried out by women. Voyageur (2011) argued that the European culture implied that women would be dependent on the state and men to support their livelihood. This lack of a defined role meant that Aboriginal women could no longer be accorded the recognition that would have otherwise empowered them to embrace self-determination. Gray (2010) noted that today, Aboriginal women still live in the shadow without adequate representation in the country’s leadership. The implications of the impact of colonialism on Aboriginal culture are serious.
The legal environment also presents multiple challenges to Aboriginal women. The Canadian legal system has been pinpointed on many occasions as a major setback to the search for equity as regards the Aboriginals, especially women. Stark (2013) observed that the law was constructed in such a way that First Nations women are often on the opposite end. Before the enactment of Bill C-4 in 1996, the judicial discretion was a primary tenet of the sentencing process (Mills & McCreary, 2013). The implication is that before then, judicial rulings were characterised by a lack of proportionality and consistency even with reference to similar offences. The prison system has been widely criticized for its impartial practices (Balfour, 2012). Balfour noted that as a consequence, imprisonment rates for Aboriginal women are high.
Conclusion
The paper explored the issue of impoverished First Nations women from causative and consequential perspectives. Although the research is limited by its synonymous of the terms Aboriginal and First Nations, the findings resonate with most previous researches and confirm the two hypotheses. First, this study found that First Nations women are impoverished as evidenced by poor measures of social welfare including life expectancy, health, employment and overrepresentation in Canadian prisons. Second, the causes of this state of affairs can be attributed to multiple factors namely: colonial legacy, the legal system, government’s role and the role of culture. These findings have serious implications for Aboriginal women that call for increased effort from all stakeholders. This study suggests that the matter of impoverished First Nations women should be a major public concern in the country.
References
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