The Chicano Studies show fundamental changes that this group achieved in bringing social justice within the Catholic Church. Chicano struggles are a clear formulation of political, social and cultural approaches to issues that affect human beings, especially women on a daily basis (Valadez 3). Chicano women transformed themselves as agents of change who would fight for social justice through a variety of forms, which inculcated others to join this fundamental movement in the history of mankind. Through Las Harmannas, these women were able to achieve their targets notwithstanding the challenges that they experienced during this struggle.
Las Harmannas is an established organization within the Catholic Church, but autonomous from the church itself whose main mission was to fight for social justice and empowerment of grassroots Latinos (Espinosa 98). This social movement was founded by Zarate and Brown, who were the church's outcast due to their struggle against the vices within the church. It was established in 1971 in Houston by 50 Chicano religious women, including nuns met to discuss how well to serve the interest of Spanish-speaking Catholics in the U.S. the movement did not only fight injustice within the church, it extended this struggle to the community where it mobilizes its members against unequal distribution of resource, male chauvinism in political affairs as well as discrimination.
The movement was a product of the politics of 1960 when the Mexicans race was being oppressed in the U.S. when the American empire expanded in the 19th century. The oppression affected the Mexicans position in the class structure, political and social development. The women of Chicano who formed part of the larger Mexican community played a critical role in labor and social justice struggle during this time. They were influenced by politics of super-patriotism that emerged ensuring the war against Hitler. Las Harmannas shared various experience of discrimination within and without the church. For instance, their cultural heritage and language were never recognized within the church fraternity since they joined the convent. They were discouraged from practicing their culture as well as speaking their native Spanish language.
Las Harmannas collectively came together and staged a political protest against the church. They referred to this protest as “politics of mass protests, with their rallying calling being reflected in their vision as united in action and prayers (Espinosa 101). They challenged the church to support their course for social justice and transformation. They asserted that the church should be the center of the struggle and not at the periphery. However, for the church to join the struggle, it must also shed the shreds of discrimination and injustice within its ranks.
Las Harmannas saw the church, not only as an institution that should steer forward social justice, but also a center for prayers. The group reiterated the importance of prayers to the completely Chicano community. It recognized that it could not do anything without prayers. The group came to represent a new emerging Mexican Americans who were committed to reformist politics of nondiscrimination and accommodation. Their leaders ultimately geared up for an equitable society. It is this prayer that differentiated them with Chicano organization being formed around this time.
They promoted the image of Chicano women as feminist with a vision to spearhead the fight for an inclusive society and social justice. They believed that by minimizing racism and discrimination in the society. They would deflect anti-Mexican sentiment in the society as a whole. To achieve this objective, the women established four projects that could help them achieve their goals. Among these projects are:
First, they established ministry teams, which had two to five intercommunity specialists in education, health, social work and religious education. This ministry was meant to help other Chicano women develop their talents in these disciplines. Secondly, the ministry was supposed to educate religious congregations about cultural and social circumstances of the Spanish-speaking women. Thirdly, Las hammernas established a religious center to offer Chicano the basic and fundamental information, which would prepare them for religious life. Many women were attracted to the movement and its struggles.
The majority of these groups promoted the image of Mexican Americans as a white ethnic group with little in common with African Americans. Some ignored their nonwhite indigenous roots for fear of being categorized as “people of color” and suffering the same discrimination as African Americans. Espinosa (104) asserts that most of them believed that by minimizing the existence of racism toward their people, they could deflect anti-Mexican sentiment in society.
Las hammernas did not shy away from promoting the Spanish-speaking Latinos as much as they fought against any form of discrimination including on the basis of race. Politics of mass protests and confrontation was meant to ensure that the Latino women forming a larger part of Chicano enjoyed all rights that come with self-determination. Not even religion was going to stop the women from pursuing their civil rights and equal opportunities in all sectors of the U.S and in particular Mexico’s economy.
Women did not form of Chicano leadership. Instead, they were left to take care of household chores. Las Hammernas who considered themselves as liberal feminists were criticized for promoting what the church considered as white feminism. However, Las Hammernas persisted with their movement while focusing on eradication of gender oppression both within the church and within the larger civic society (Lopez 18).
The oppression of these women arises from various domineering means. They were viewed as ethnic minority and as women who were universally oppressed by men. However, they view themselves as liberal feminists with desire to change the church and the society at large by fighting for social justice. I think this movement is one of the greatest to have ever taken place in the history of the world. The focus of the struggle was not to change the society first, but to change the elements of this society through the church that attracted a large congregation. I also think that their attempt to promote the image of Las Hammernas as a group of women with vision to bring feminist social transformation helped their course. They were able to collaborate with other unions like PADRES who thought that their course was worth of pursuit. The two groups were able to influence the policy of the catholic organization in a manner that was suitable to their struggle.
The policies ensured that it was no longer a matter of politics of mass protest, but a collation of ideas that can transform the society. One of the efforts of these two groups was to lobby for the appointment of a Chicano bishop and establishment of Chicano leadership in the church. The leadership supported the projects of the Las Hammernas to ensure that they effectively produce the intended outcomes (Espinosa 101). Members of these two organizations also engaged in student demonstrations to fight for the right to education for all Chicano women. These fights I think prompted the authority to establish a mechanism that would be fundamental in the transformation of these women from homemakers to elitists. Other demonstrations challenged the ethnicity in the educational institutions, immigration, and union representations. It marked the first time that Las hammernas challenged civic institutions against discrimination and racial serration.
In 1980, they shifted their attention to other areas they felt pertinent to the struggles of women of Chicano. These issues included moral authority, sexuality, as well as domestic violence. Trouble then emerged between the PADRE and Las hammernas due to leadership wrangles. Some members of PADRE failed to recognize Las hammernas as mutual partners in leadership. Nonetheless, Las hammernas continued to enjoy the support and trust from the local Latinos. They continued to participate in their event and to offer any support they were called upon to give (Espinosa 106).
It appears that the major principle of Chicano activism was to join a cause that could identify you as a woman struggling for societal wellbeing ad empowerment of self and community at large. They understood empowerment as a recognition and appreciation of Las hammernas' culture and its strong aboriginal connections. This recognition think could only be achieved through self-validation and in the struggles of activism as conducted by the group. Las Harmannas collectively came together and staged a political protest against the church. The politics they referred to as “politics of mass protests, with their rallying calling being reflected in their vision as united in action and prayers in my view was successful as a means of achieving the grouped’ objective. Through this protest, Las hammernas challenged the church to support their course for social justice and transformation. They asserted that the church should be the center of the struggle and not at the periphery (Pitt 14). However, for the church to join the struggle, it must also shed the shreds of discrimination and injustice within its ranks. Las Harmannas saw the church, not only as an institution that should steer forward social justice, but also a center for prayers. The group reiterated the importance of prayers to the whole Chicano community. It recognized that it could not do anything without prayers. The group came to represent a new emerging Mexican Americans who were committed to reformist politics of nondiscrimination and accommodation. Their leaders ultimately geared up for an equitable society. It is this prayer that differentiated them with Chicano organization being formed around this time.
Conclusion
The struggles of Las hammernas depict a profound struggle that various people go through to achieve self-determination. The struggle can be multidimensionally ranging from the struggle against the civic authority and other civic institutions. Chicano women chose to fight against the church and other civic institution like schools to achieve social justice. The movement through political in nature was organized in the most effective ways to achieve its objectives. Political negotiations that the leadership engaged I could only catalyze realization of their aspiration. Although there are divergent views as to whether the Chicano movement achieved its object, it is clear that the women of Chicano community can now enjoy more freedom than they formerly did.
Work Cited
Espinosa, G. Latino Religions and Civic Activism in the United States. Oxford University
Press.2005.Print.
Lopez, theR. "The Battle of Chavez Ravine: Public Policy and Chicano Community
Resistance in Post-War Los Angeles, 1945--1962."The University of California, Berkeley. 1999. Print.
Pitt, L. The Decline of the Californios: A Social History of the Spanish-
Speaking Californians, 1846-1890.Berkeley: University of California Press. 1966. Print.
Valadez, J. " Chicano political development: the role of political participation and agenda-
building in expanding the biases of the policy. A case study (Chicago, Illinois). University of Washington. 1985. Print.
