Introduction
Racial profiling is the targeting of a particular race for a particular crime. The practice was rampant from the time before the Civil War. African-Americans frisked by police from the street irrespective of their status (free or enslaved) were a common practice. The punishments for criminals differed as per color of the skin until the end of the crack cocaine period. The practice is unwelcome with minority communities since it often results in unfair treatment. An African-American or Hispanic origin civilian has higher chances of police questioning him compared to a Caucasian. In addition, the post-9/11 era comprises of numerous incidents of harassment towards the Arab and Muslim communities in the United States.
While there is much data available to suggest that racial profiling is in fact a major problem in police forces across the nation, there is an impasse on whether these data are accurate. Criminal activity persists in larger volume in low-income neighborhoods. Hence, the presence of police and the practice of frisking are rampant in these areas. The reason for a larger police presence is to deter crime and not engage in racial profiling. Unfortunately, since most of the neighborhoods with low-income have a massive presence in minority and immigrant populations, any action taken by the police is mistaken for racial profiling.
Racial profiling does exist and certain sections of minorities do undergo second-class treatment at the hands of law enforcement. However, the problem is not as critical as portrayed by the media. There are genuine criminal profiling reasons that lead to the arrests of drug handlers from minority communities. The immigration laws do not accommodate unequal treatment for non-Caucasian community members. This paper will bring forth data that indicate that racial profiling is not an acceptable practice within the law enforcement community. Moreover, the evidence will explain most of the propaganda surrounding the issue (Chin and Vernon, 2015).
Is there really a rampant problem of racial profiling?
Criminal activity is not genetic disorder however; it is susceptible to incubation. Today, in the United States, almost any time an African-American motorist stopped by police, the media and rights organizations term the action as racial profiling. There is no check if the motorist was at fault. In addition, a good percentage of these motorists face arrests and subsequent jail time for pending warrants or for new charges. This gives rise to the belief that racial profiling is rampant in traffic stops. The real reason for these arrests is actually advancements in technology.
During the 1980s or 1990s, the police run the license and registration of a vehicle through their database to determine whether there are outstanding warrants against the individual. Nowadays, they obtain the fingerprint of the individual which provides a comprehensively elaborate report on the criminal history. This allows police officers to determine whether the individual is a parole violator, wanted criminal, or a repeat offender. If the charges of racial profiling are accurate, the police should have made certain prolific arrests such as Derrick Todd Lee and John Allen Muhammad during traffic stops. However, this was not the case. In fact, Timothy McVeigh and Theodore Robert Bundy had to stop for minor traffic violations which resulted in their arrests.
The second largest complaint is against the habit of frisking members of minority communities for no apparent reason in certain neighborhoods. The availability of geographic profiling tools has made it possible to identify criminal hotspots for the police to monitor with additional care. Preventing crime is one of the most important priorities for police officers across the nation. Usually, this is what transpires. When a police officer notices an African-American approaching in a carefree manner, he takes a second glance at the individual. After all, he is in that spot looking for potential criminals. The African-American civilian, fed with stories of police mistreatment of his community is suddenly nervous. The police officer is now facing a person who became nervous at the sight of a representative of the law. It is only natural for the officer to stop the individual for a few questions. This is not a case of racial profiling. It is simply police instinct and street experience taking over. A decorated African-American police officer, Richard Lewis states in his book titled, “The Black Cop” that the use of this practice is justifiable in crime-infested areas.
Furthermore, it is unfair to state that the United States is unfair to minority communities. The Government has completed the transition from inequality to equal rights and safeguards for all citizens. However, the minorities are unable to make any sustained progress in the self-portrayal of their image. African-Americans raised in the projects have risen to successful careers in all industries today. Some of the most prolific athletes in this nation are from the African-American community. We have police chiefs, mayors, governors, judges, FBI agents, CIA operatives, Wall Street analysts, Software engineers, and even a US President from minority communities. We are no longer a racial biased nation. We are a nation with a diverse cultural background. It is time for the minorities to adapt to America’s diverse culture instead of hiding behind an obsolete issue.
Racial Profiling - Evidence of nonexistence or existence
Historical evidence
The final chapter for government approved racial profiling ended with the crack cocaine epidemic in the 1980s. The unequal laws, punishments, and targeting of young men from the African-American community were laid to rest during this period. From this time onwards, the laws framed remain equal for all American citizens. The US Supreme Court banned the death penalty for juvenile offenders in 2005. The majority of recipients who received relief through this ban were young African-Americans like Shermaine A. Johnson.
Economic evidence
The primary reason for criminal activity is the profit motive. The opportunity to generate income when there are no legitimate avenues to earn. The crack cocaine epidemic in the late 1970s and early 1980s crippled the educational possibilities for thousands of minorities. Their teenagers yielding firearms entered the crack cocaine trade. The initial blossoming of the trade encouraged the young people to leave schools for easy money. However, when the federal government decided to end the epidemic finally, unrealistic sentencing by State and Federal courts engulfed these youngsters. Subsequently, these youngsters faced twenty-year prison sentences. This was racial profiling and discrimination by Government agencies.
Many of them left families in the lurch. The absence of complete families and the absence of financial security influenced the next generation to indulge in criminal activity also. Studies indicate that children are forty percent more likely to embrace a life of crime if the father is absent at home. Over sixty-percent of the fathers from African-American and Hispanic background were in prison for the majority of their children’s childhood and teenage years. These factors led to severe economic deficiencies in these communities. Despite several initiatives by the government, the minorities were unable to recover from poverty. The African-American community and the Hispanic community are among the lowest wage earners in the nation.
Hence, crime and in particular the drug trade are mainstay income generators in these communities. Invariably, when police seek to curb drugs and drug-related violent crimes, they face off with members of the minority communities. Eventually, a majority of the arrests in drugs or drug related violent crimes are pertaining to the African-American and Hispanic communities. In addition, the majority of marijuana imports into the United States are from Mexico. Hence, Mexican origin citizens checked for valid papers constantly complain of racial profiling (Horrace and Rohlin, 2015).
Criminal profiling evidence
Profiling for criminals is a widely accepted behavioral science. When there are a series of murders involving African-American women, the natural suspects are African-American men since these crimes usually tread along racial lines. Similarly, when a 911 caller states that her assailant was an African-American who was probably six feet tall and wearing a black t-shirt, the units near the scene of the crime will look for an African-American. A nationwide alert for Al-Qaeda terrorist attacks will create a reason to check the identification of members of Arab, Muslim and South Asians present in prominent locations. These instances are not racial profiling. The police are only scanning through potential suspects who in some way match the description provided to them. Their ultimate intention is to safeguard the public; majority and minority alike.
Shootings – Reasons for police to open fire on unarmed civilians
The police forces posts 9/11 are recipients of surplus military weapons. Although this may seem reasonable, the SWAT units are already available to handle contingencies such as a terrorist siege. A significant setback from this weaponization is a confusion of the role’s expectation. A police officer is a guardian not a marine. However, the new anti-terrorism preparedness drills increase the risk of shooting incidents among police officers. The case of Michael Brown is tragic. However, it is difficult to imagine the mindset of a Caucasian police officer in an African-American neighborhood confronting a shoplifter who is resisting arrest.
If this case happened in the 1990s, the shoplifter Michael Brown would have faced minor charges for shoplifting a carton of cigarettes (Bonilla and Rosa, 2015). However, with all the regular target practice and availability of powerful firearms, it resulted in an unjustified shooting. Would the police officer have fired if the suspect was a Caucasian and if he were in a Caucasian dominated neighborhood? He probably would have. Over five thousand American lives have been lost to friendly fire from police since 9/11. SWAT teams are raiding houses over nothing more than telephone tips and killing confused (yet innocent) civilians. There is a need to demilitarize the police. The US public does not need trigger happy police officers to add to the problem of criminal violence (Krieger, 2015).
Governmental commitment
The government provides several safeguards against discrimination and racial profiling. However, the consequences for the actions against law enforcement agencies are negligible. For example, it is easier to convict a police officer involved in an unjustified shooting in several Asian countries than in the United States. Police officers almost have immunity from any violent acts they participate in while discharging their duties. Without any reasonable action against erring police officers, it is impossible to curb racial profiling. The possible reason for such immunity for police officers is the lack of personnel. Police forces across the nation face similar problems. The number of recruits dwindles each year. The pay is low and the duty hours are quite demanding. There is also a steady rise in the number of police suicides. Even juries seldom indict a police officer for a misdemeanor or felony.
War on terror
The War on Terror post 9/11, triggered a variety of consequences among the minority communities. A majority of them were isolated, targeted for violence, and even killed. This behavior exhibited by law enforcement agencies and civilians created a significant trust issue among minority communities. The distrust for the police and the FBI grew to astronomical proportions. The brunt of racial profiling during this time affected Arabs, Muslims, and Sikhs. Illegal detentions and mass arrests were common. Despite the US Patriot Act providing safeguards against the practice of racial profiling, the lack of consequence allows the misuse of power by federal and local agencies opportunities to discriminate.
American citizens living in the country for decades faced this discriminative treatment. However, the immigration authorities failed to distinguish terror suspects who were seeking asylum post 9/11. The Boston Marathon Bombing and the recent San Bernardino shooting attribute to these failures (Briggs, 2015). In the government’s defense, the most sinister threats faced by the United States are from Islamic terrorist organizations. Hence, the criminal profile for suspects will indicate their leaning towards radical Islamic teaching. The line is slender between racial profiling and behavioral profiling for terror suspects (Torres, Shahshahani, and Tavaras, 2015).
Factors contributing to high arrest numbers among African-American men
The largest concentration of inmates in the United States is that of African-Americans. Despite not the most populous nation, we host the largest prison population in the world. A majority of these inmates spend time for drug related crimes. The chances for rehabilitation are slim since there is insufficient funding and prisons are overcrowded. These inmates are recipients of the three-strike law also. Hence, most of them will never be free. The critical problem with this scenario is that three-fourths of the population released will be unable to find legitimate employment and will return to prison with a longer term within eighteen months of their release.
Without rehabilitation, the inmates will be unable to cope with the advancements in technology and society. Hence, they will revert to the only occupation known to them; crime. Before long, they will find themselves in prison. Furthermore, if a parent is convicted for a drug abuse problem, there is a sixty percent chance that the child will face incarceration for the same charge in the future. African-American families are often dysfunctional when they hail from low-income neighborhoods. In addition, there is a seventy percent chance that the children will never get to know their father.
The quality of education provided to low-income neighborhoods is relatively poor when compared to the rest of the nation. Moreover, college education is very expensive and will not be conducive for the majority of the African-American and Hispanic communities to afford. Without a graduate degree, the prospect of earning a reasonable wage diminishes. The increase in the cost of living and a mediocre income force young men from minority communities to embrace crime. The government provides employment for high school graduates within its ranks for minorities. However, most of the members of the African-American and Hispanic communities do not opt for these jobs due to trust issues.
Reasons for complaints of racial profiling against police
The police are not always guilty of racial profiling however; their actions at times provide irrefutable evidence of the existence of racial profiling today. The number of traffic stops pertaining to Caucasians is almost nonexistent. The chances of a traffic stop for Caucasians to result in an arrest are remote. There are almost no incidents of police beating up or killing (unarmed and vulnerable) Caucasian civilians. Illegal detentions and mass arrests are nonexistent for Caucasian citizens (Juarez, 2006). The odds of police frisking Caucasians is rare. The school rules are lenient towards Caucasian students compared to that of students from minority communities (Persico and Castleman, 2005).
The lack of diversity and the widespread practice of nepotism in local police forces create a general distrust among the public. The lack of trust results in a community that refuses to cooperate with local law enforcement. The chances of police coercion and prosecution misconduct towards are higher when compared to that of Caucasians. The killing of unarmed civilians from minority communities does not attract any criminal prosecution against police officers even if they are at fault (Eger III, Fortner, and Slade, 2015). Discrimination at juvenile level is persistent. When Caucasian children are allowed probation, children from minority communities face incarceration in juvenile homes for similar offences.
Conclusion
The problem of racial profiling is persistent in the United States today despite several new reforms and laws. Among calls for a new Civil Rights movement, there are a few problems on both sides that require solving. The minority communities should refrain from taking shelter behind the past. They should remember that it was the Caucasian rulers that provide them with equal rights and opportunities. The government needs to rehabilitate and educate the minorities instead of wasting taxpayer dollars on incarceration expenses. Local police should have diverse populations and not predominantly Caucasians. There should be awareness sessions on the difference between behavioral profiling and racial profiling (Demery, 2013).
The increase in community policing initiatives for low-income neighborhoods is essential to deter future generations from criminal careers. Incarcerated men from minority communities for nonviolent crimes allowed to complete their sentences with their families in Community Incarceration. Police should arrest drug suppliers and manufacturers instead of arresting addicts. Psychological evaluation of all police personnel to identify traits that might result in racial profiling. Severe punishments for unjustified shooting incidents and the mandatory use of body cameras (Harris, 2015).
The recommendations provided will offer a conducive environment for the minorities to overcome their economic status. This in turn will increase the opportunities for legitimate jobs and reduce criminal activity significantly. The problem of racial profiling is almost the same as racial discrimination. Hence, it is imperative to prevent this issue from prevailing. American citizens should unite for the common cause to provide equal rights to everyone. Timothy McVeigh was a former marine. Yet, he was responsible for one of the worst bombing incidents in US history. Similarly, the next terrorist to attack the nation might not be an Arab or Muslim. He might be a Caucasian turned Islamic extremist. By focusing on too much on racial backgrounds, there is a chance we might let another attack slip past our guard. Hence, it is a dangerous practice that requires rebuke from both civilians, and governments’ alike (Richardson, 2015).
References
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