Women under the Shadow of Social Safety Nets in Korea
- Introduction
For centuries, women around the globe have struggled continuously to gain similar rights and freedoms enjoyed by men. Women were often treated lowly by men as they believe these women should stay at home and take care of the children. In some regions, these women are prohibited to go beyond grade school and married off once they are literate enough to read and write basic numbers and words. Others are forced to hide their faces and a few even taste the pain brought by constant abuse. Movements have been done around the globe to improve the situation of women in society. However, while most of these movements are successful, the shadows of history continue to cause fear for many at the present time.
Like most of its counterparts around the globe, Korea has an extensive history as to the disparity of rights given to women since its early dynasties. After the collapse of the Koryo dynasty, the sadaebu - the founding families of Choson – believed that the lack of public morals have caused the collapse of the empire. Gender regulations were then enforced as a means to improve public morals. Women under the rank ‘yangban’ or the lower class, were restricted from practicing their faith and their clothing were also limited depending on their rank. The naeweobop concept ensured that women’s rights were monitored and adhering to the Confucian way of life. Additional restrictions were also forced to women in early Korea such as restrictions from getting married again after becoming a widow. Married women also moved in with their husband’s family under the laws of the ch’inyong jedo and sometimes, a Korean man was entitled to a legitimate wife (ch’o) and concubines (ch’op). Girls are often taught already at a young age to learn how to take care of the household as they are pushed to be married even when they just turn fourteen years old. Women were also punished heavily in comparison to men, especially if they were caught in an adulterous relationship.
The same traditions continued to remain after the Korean Peninsula; however, in the Southern half, movements were slowly rising to improve the situation of women around the country. One of the most lauded names that pioneered social change was Kim Dae-jung. He was known as a democratic reformist in South Korea despite the fact the economic crisis of 1997-1998 paralyzed the country. Pro-welfare movements have grown throughout the period and Kim Dae-jung’s victory have ushered changes within South Korea into a pluralist democracy. After the financial crisis in 1997, the Kim Dae-Jung government strived hard to make improvements in its social welfare policies and created stronger safety nets for the people. Women were also given new rights in this period, however, despite ensuring all would be protected by these safety nets, women were unable to enjoy its benefits. Although it would seem like South Korea now has equal treatment to women, studies show that there are still areas in the now developed country that remains untouched by social change. What are the factors that prohibited women from exercising their rights? How come these social nets were unable to give its intended benefits to women?
- Research Objectives
Nowadays, equality is the battle cry of many social groups and sectors especially in the changing world where only a few dominate. In their case, women have long been hoping to be treated at par with men and be given the same liberties given their potentials. However, with the oppression occurring left and right, it is difficult for lingering action to occur to improve the lives of women. In the case of South Korea, social welfare and women’s rights go hand in hand especially after the economic crisis. Initiatives slowly came into form that would liberate women and permit them social rights originally meant for just a few. Regardless of these attempts, there are still people around the country that stress they are still not feeling the improvements promised by the government.
This study aims to discuss as to why many Korean women cannot enjoy the benefits of social safety nets since its application under the Dae-Jung administration. There are several underlying factors that may have played part to the incapacity of women to improve their rights despite the available options offered by the government. Such factors may involve tradition, stigma and even lack of awareness. Inability of social safety nets to work for women may also be because of the political stances upon its inception and the lingering doubt of many for it to succeed. This study also aims to expound as to how social institutions could help South Korean women to reach their potentials and utilize the benefits allotted to them by the law.
- Variables
There are several variables, both individual and dependent, in this study that can help the researcher and readers alike to understand the topic. For the dependent variables of the study, they are the women caught in the blind spot of the social safety nets and the social safety nets policy itself. These two variables are dependent variables because of the factors which can affect them. In the case of the women caught in the blind spot, they are affected by several factors which then determines as to what response they would take. The social safety nets is also a dependent variable because its construction is dependent on the politicians and the agenda pushed by the government.
The independent variables for this study would be Korean culture and the advocates of women’s rights. The variables are considerably independent as each affects the dependent variable. Korean culture influences how women and even policy works, affecting as to how they interpret programs and the idea of notions on liberty and equality. The number of advocates also influences the effectiveness of policies meant for women’s rights. Without much support for these types of initiatives, there is no hope for these policies to reach out to the right people.
- Literature Review
Studies have been done throughout the past that highlights as to why there is still a disparity of women’s rights in South Korea despite social safety nets established to sustain their human rights and liberties. Studies such as Monk-Turner and Turner (2004) and Sung (2003) all stress that the values of South Korea has influenced the plight of women and the retention of gender gaps in Korea despite attempts for reform. The Confucian tradition has long embedded itself to Korean society, which is why it is difficult for women to stand against the traditional norms that women should remain at home and take care of their in-laws. While there were actions done to improve the situation of women, women were still liable to their families. For those who indeed manage to get work, even getting good credentials would not work considering the preference of many on picking men for the labor force. While Confucianism is considered beneficial by the people, it is clear in the studies that it hampers the mindset of women when it comes to their labor capabilities, and how they consider their roles in society. In light with the growing Korean welfare state, it is said by both authors that even with the growing movements for reform, it is difficult to remove traditional Confucian traditions as it has also helped economic development.
Mee-Hae Kong (2007) states in his article that politics is to blame for the current plight of women in Korea. In the article, women from any developing nation always has fewer opportunities to improve their situation in their respective countries. In Korea, although education and work opportunities have increased, political action remains limited given that politics is still dominated by men. Women also do not hold much belief in the political system despite the increasing awareness for women. There is also a lack of women’s political organizations that would help these women have a voice in the Korean political scene. It is also noted in the article that if women do have a voice in the political arena, it is mostly for domestic concerns rather than equal rights. Modern legislation also restricts women’s political participation to the extent it would prevent women from engaging mostly on the labor force and other technical issues. In addition to these restrictions and reservations, women are also restricted by the Korean political system as many who have attempted higher office failed. Similar statements were shared by Heike Hermanns from the Australian National University. If women were indeed voted to office, they only serve as an audience rather than act in representation for the rest of the women in the country.
- Methodology
In order to understand the nature and gravity of the research, this researcher would be using a mixed-method research. Utilizing this kind of research would permit the researcher to utilize both quantitative and qualitative data to showcase the veracity of the arguments presented. In the quantitative side of the research, this researcher would be utilizing numerical data from surveys and studies showcasing the trends of women’s rights and movements in South Korea. Figures would then be supported through a case study and observational type of research to give this study a larger range. This method is also excellent for this topic given the factors affecting women and their social rights, providing a chronology of events to allow easier explanations. The problem with this selected research design is the possibility of much data that may be selected, which may overpower the essence of this study.
References for this study would be taken mostly from secondary sources as they can provide a better depth of the discussions in a readable format. These secondary sources can come from notable journal databases such as JSTOR and Google Scholar, highlighting expert opinion and analysis on the topic. Some of these secondary sources may also prove to be beneficial for the researcher as they may contain information such as the trends of women’s rights and the disparity in the modern time. Reports coming from non-government organizations would also be used as a secondary source.
Like most studies, this study has several limitations that affects the discussion of the paper. First and foremost, the lack of primary sources may disable the researcher from analyzing official statistics provided by the South Korean government with regards to women’s welfare. As the researcher is not proficient with Korean, he is only limited to English-written secondary sources from journals and reports in the matter. Another limitation for this paper is the scope of the discussion as women’s rights in South Korea can range since the Korean Peninsula was still one country. This study would only cover the data from South Korea from the Dae-Jung administration to the present. The scope of the study would also include how social institutions can help in improving Korean women’s rights.
- Findings
Since Kim Dae-Jung took power in the dawn of the Economic Crisis, women’s rights and their social rights were slowly becoming recognized by the Korean government. By the early 2000s, women in Korea were now allowed to marry who they like, have a few children and even request for legal rights. The country’s Gender Empowerment Measure had also grown from rank 90 in 1995 to 68 in 2004. Despite its slow progress, women now slowly had chances within the political arena with 10.7% going to female politicians or representatives. However, for the international community, the growth of gender equality and social rights is still very slow as Korean women remained un-represented in important fields of the country.
In recent years, it is also reported by the 23rd Statistics Korea, the Bank of Korea and the Financial Supervisory Service that the statistics gap between men and women are still high. In terms of annual earnings, men earned an average of 36.38 million won while women only managed to earn 16.69 million won. In terms of income, female regular employees only earned 23.34 million won while male employees earned 42.1 million as of 2012. The statistics also showed that the income gap between men and women in Korea is the highest in all the members of the OECD. The survey also highlighted that in occupations, the disparity is higher between men and women. In the field of agriculture, forestry and fishing industries, female employees only receive 2.15 million won, 1/10th of the 23.3 million won earnings of men in the same field. Many women, or 69.9%, also earn less than 20 million in comparison to the 50 million won capacity of men. At least 18.3% of women are also under the poverty line while 14.6% are men. In the higher industries, only 27% of employees for either large or medium-size companies are female.
- Analysis
Women’s social rights have been a struggle for South Korean women even in the past, but no action was clearly done until Kim Dae-Jung (1998-2003) came into the presidency. He was known as a democrat and helped the lower classes. Once he came into office at the Asian crisis, he admitted it would be hard for him to push for progressive policies that would help the people. By January 1998, Dae-jung called for a Tripartite Commission which is represented by the government, the organized labor groups and corporations as a means to discuss social protections, corporate restructuring, macroeconomic policy and many others. The reform strategy was not only designed to improve the market, but also permitted the creation of social safety nets. The International Monetary Fund had accepted the proposal as they also proposed the creation of a social safety net, which would protect the neoliberal stance of the reform. The new reformed economy had allowed the Dae-jung administration means to reduce unemployment and still protect social rights.
Social welfare and social safety nets aimed to provide universal social system that would work with the rapidly aging Korean population and the increase in women’s rights in the country. Public day care centers were built throughout the country, which offers free child care service before education is needed. Government budget went above its standard with 455 billion won for 2004. Community welfare centers were also given for the elderly, disabled and women in any social service they would require. Medical care was offered and increased by the government, including a long-term care insurance. Social safety nets such as these services were continued by future administrations as a means to improve family roles and the demographic composition in the country.
However, despite active action in the end of the government, it is still clear that there are still women who do not gain their social liberties under the social safety nets programs enforced by the government. Several reasons have come into light as to why this persists. First and foremost, the traditional idealism of Korean culture has affected the mindset of women and its policies when it comes to allowing social reform. For centuries, the Confucian system has been the foundation of Korea since it was founded and has been the basis of the region’s traditions. Women were meant for house work rather than become active in political affairs. History itself stressed that many believed in the Confucian teachings as it enabled economic prosperity and peace. Even with the democratization of the country under the Dae-Jung administration and in the later administrations, Confucianism still lingers to the mindset of women that they should stay at home. Hand in hand with this problem on Korean tradition and culture is the lack of political participation and awareness of women. Although women were now being recognized as an important part of the society, the mixture of tradition and lack of political pull has affected how women could exercise their rights. Only a few women were able to get access into higher offices and even if they were able to do so, they were limited to ministry duty and sometimes, only act as observers in the political arena.
Considering the complexity of the situation in social rights in Korea, especially for women, social institutions are critical in ensuring that all women can gain their rights in accordance of their social safety nets and rights. NGOs have already been active in Korea since the 20th century such as the Korean National Council of Women. These organizations bring awareness to the public and fight for government policies which are pro women. Women workers also raises attention for labor struggles and the suppression of the working class. These organizations do not just have to represent these women, but they can also serve as rape crisis centers or welfare desk in times of need. Some NGOs also serve as means for women to gain access to politicians and other civil society groups. Social institutions can also help education flourish in areas where information is not easily received.
- Conclusion
Women are vital components of society and they should be provided with the same rights and liberties that is also available to men. These women can provide alternative perceptions on common issues men would not usually understand such as issues relating to the home or care. However, these women have long been oppressed due to the traditions and beliefs nations first took into consideration. Women were oppressed and treated like slaves, forced out of their rights and given only little for their own. Koreans also experienced such issue with women and many were contended despite it. For centuries, this trend occurred until the 20th century came along where it became clear women should also get better rights and liberties. Although the governments have begun the process for improving their rights, it was not enough given the status of the Korean people when it came to their traditions on gender rights and liberties. Since they were not eager to change their attitudes or recognize their rights, women are still left without a clear voice in the country. It is essential that the government work with social institutions to introduce social reform and rights as these women do not easily understand its significance.
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