It can be argued that the Ferguson Commission called for structural changes to be enacted. The report, entitled, "Signature Calls To Action" discusses several distinct measures that the Ferguson Commission recommended in order to achieve racial equity (2). Structural changes, by and large, are considered to be specific processes that seek to create and/or fix numerous problems through the use of resources. Structural changes can take place in multiple different areas including, but not limited to: employment, economics, and overall environment dynamics. This paper examines the issues related to the Ferguson incident, why the Commission proposed certain structural changes, and what has been implemented thus far to ensure that the changes are thoroughly made.
Rothstein (2014) expresses that the Ferguson incident that occurred in August 2014 regarding the police shooting and killing, Michael Brown, requires an overwhelming look and analysis into the sociological conditions of society. Particularly, the neighborhood shifts, unemployment rates and overall elements related to the so-called powerlessness of minority groups, expressly African Americans (1). In essence, Rothstein’s (2014) point is that the Ferguson incident was not isolated solely to Michael Brown. The contention is that if it didn’t occur in Ferguson, there is a strong likelihood that it would have happened in another city where the dynamics were similar. As such, there are changes that are required so as to minimize events like Brown’s death occurring again. Several different writers on the subject of racial related issues such as this have provided their opinion, and why structural alterations are indeed required.
Ta-Nehisi Coates, a prominent writer on race related issues, states that "what horrifies a lot of us beholding the spectacle of Ferguson, is how easily we could see ourselves in these kids (1). As noted earlier, the reason behind the need for structural changes in the city of Ferguson is due to the significant aspects related to racial divides and the moral failings of the police, whose job is to serve and protect. Rothstein (2014) comments that there is a crumbling dynamic happening in St. Louis neighborhoods, which encompasses Ferguson. The urban renewal plans have often been put on hold, and racial segregation is frequently cited as rampant by many in the area. Moreover, African Americans have borne the brunt of these issues for decades and it often takes events such as the death of Michael Brown to proverbially get people to wake up and smell the coffee about a shift (2-3). Yet, upon further examination of the event, one might question why the Commission is being taken seriously this time, when there have been several incidents like this in cities similar to Ferguson? Why is the shooting and subsequent, death of Michael Brown any different from others who have fallen at the hands of the police?
Rothstein (2014) believes that Ferguson to a certain degree, has always been crumbling and the incident on further highlighted the ignorance associated with the city to do anything differently. Further, that it becomes necessary to analyze the policies that are currently in operation before any kind of realistic changes can occur that the Ferguson Commission recommended (2). This presents a mystery in that it suggests that had changes actually taken place within the metropolitan landscape of St. Louis County, that such an incident might have been prevented. Rothstein (2014) does not assert to have any crystal ball or psychic powers in his assessment, but only argues that for the proposed remedies to be definitive, that the city must undergo a considerable examination and be truthful regarding the prejudices and devastating racial constructs that have existed since Jim Crow (2-3).
The Changes
In an effort to tackle the issues related to Ferguson, the Commission report specifically notes that certain aspects need to be addressed. These include: racial equity and justice for all. The repot explicitly evokes the need for shifts in developing a racial equity through the use of the church and other nonprofits. The justice for all section is the largest of the two calling for police reform, in terms of investigating incidents such as critical use of force; an attorney general to conduct said investigations; the establishment of a force database; a monitoring of what is actually occurring within the police training in order to ensure accountability for actions taken; and the establishment of oversight boards (2014). These changes are extensive and very comprehensive in their attempt to combat the issues related to racial prejudices and brash police force.
Bowen (2015), Jordan (2015), Rosenfeld (2016) and Wolfe & Nix (2016) inquire as to whether these changes will be implemented to address issues related to police misconduct and the general statistics pertaining to discord in Ferguson. Bowen (2015) believes that the particular changes that were proposed could create better justice for minorities, in particularly African Americans, but that the true issue lies in the media's coverage of the incident and the so-called reasons behind why Michael Brown was shot (114-115). The specific idea is that even if changes are made to the Ferguson crumbling infrastructure that because of the pervasiveness of how African Americans, specifically males, are portrayed in the media that police misconduct and oversight will only marginally assist with correcting the issues. Wolfe & Nix (2016) identify that there has to be a police willingness to delve into the heart of the matter. The question lies in why there is such a prominence of African Americans, and minorities being treated so poorly by police. While it is good and plausible for changes such as the Commission's recommendations to be proposed, there needs to be a complete overhaul and revamping of the systematic negativity that runs deep in the American tapestry. This means as Jordan (2015) points out a shift in the laws and regulations related to police.
In examining commission reports performed surrounding the Sean Bell shooting which is discussed by Powers (2006), an analysis of the Trayvon Martin case executed by Lee (2014), and a report performed by Peters & Eure (2015) on the Eric Garner case, the common thread between them is that the need for federal intervention in terms of laws and regulations related to the police. The changes proposed in each report are liberal, with the inclusion of the ones that the Ferguson Commission calls for. Yet, even with the outlined propositions, without federal intervention in terms of mandating that the laws and regulations related to what police can and cannot do – it can be argued that another incident like the Michael Brown shooting will occur.
In Calloway (2011), it examines the stated post-racial society that America proclaims it operates within. It documents that equality and social justice are far from being achieved as long as injustices and mistreatment remain a considerable part of society. While race relations have gotten better in the last decade or so with the election of President Barack Obama and more and more ethnicities and cultures intertwining (2011), there is still a call for shifts in preventing incidents that are directly related to race. Given this, groups such as Black Lives Matter have emerged in order to promote the need for shifts in race relations.
The St. Louis Post-Dispatch (2015) and Suhr (2015) both identify that these movements want the police and the Justice Department to investigate the proposed changes and answer the questions that still linger as to whether they are actually achievable (2015). Several leaders including Kayla Reed of the Organization for Black Struggle have stated that the changes, while promising, were only proposed as a consequence of Michael Brown falling prey to the police. However, it is not solely for Michael Brown that they should have been proposed (St. Louis Post-Dispatch 1). This prompts the question as to what end the changes will be satisfactory? In other words, how will organizations such as Black Lives Matter, and the Organization for Black Struggle be satisfied?
Menendian et al. (2008) attempts to answer this question. Given the structural racism that exists in the United States, the so-called elimination of its harmful effects may be beyond the control of the federal government. While practices, polices, laws and regulations can be proposed and passed to thwart efforts related to racial oriented violence and issues (3-5) like the Michael Brown shooting, such implementations and subsequent, satisfactions can only be known if the propositions are effective.
The satisfaction of groups like Black Lives Matter and the Organization for Black Struggle can only know that they are satisfied if they see that the federal government (i.e. the Justice Department) and the lower level entities are taking what has been passed and enacted seriously. In essence, the proposed changes by the Ferguson Commission will need to be implemented as soon as they can be, and there will need to be a thorough and comprehensive monitoring of the police. In addition to this, there will need to be an across the board from the federal government level, change. The Obama Administration must take swift and rapid action to mitigate future issues like the Michael Brown shooting.
Menendian et al. (2008) argues that by there being federal government intervention and continuous monitoring of the situation, such as the fixing of cities and neighborhoods like Ferguson, MO in a structural fashion – that change can actually be observed on an in-depth level. Of course, this means the acknowledgement and successive, discussion by multiple ethnicities on race, racism and its relationship to how society operates (5-8). Until this occurs, changes can be proposed all day long, but they will only be implemented to a certain degree, or those at the state and local levels will take advantage of their perceived power and circumvent the rules and regulations. This is why the satisfaction of the previously mentioned organizations has not been realized. The federal government simply is not doing enough – and this is mostly because the national dialogue on race and racism has not been had to the extent that it needs to be had. The surface has only been scratched, and not really probed into. It can be reasoned that should this happen, people will undoubtedly and undeniably see the validity of implementing the changes to not only Ferguson, but to other cities as they relate to police violence and misconduct.
Conclusion
Perhaps what Rothstein (2014) states is correct – that plans have indeed been put on hold for noteworthy urban renewal (2-3) because there are many who do not believe that any changes really need to be made, and that the crumbling is just an illusion. However, as long as that perspective persists in society and significant, critical changes like the ones proposed by the Ferguson Commission are made and enacted, there is a strong likelihood that there will be another incident like the Michael Brown shooting – if not in Ferguson, MO, then elsewhere. The rifeness of racism, police misconduct and societal issues will remain in a never-ending cycle until it these ills are acknowledged for the putridness they are.
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