The industrial revolution changed the face of American society in a multitude of ways, not least of which was the role of the government in the relationship between businesses and workers. The emancipation of slaves in the aftermath of the Civil War irrevocably altered the way aspects of the economy operated—especially that of the Southern states and of the agricultural sector. From that point clear through to the present, the relationship between employer and employee has been in constant question and flux, with labor unions and government regulations having significant impacts on the overall state of workers’ rights in our country. In the midst of this constant state of flux, there were three points of most significant change in the relationship between workers and employers from 1865 through 2013. The formation of labor unions in the 1860s, the labor strikes that crossed industry borders in the late 1910s, and the passage of new legislation after World War II were all points in history where the question of how business, workers, and government should interact was a major factor in the progress of American history.
The first national labor unions were founded in the late 1860s, immediately following the end of the Civil War. Though there had been organized worker strikes prior to this—like the organization of mill girls in Lowell, Massachusetts in 1834—those organizations had been limited in scope, focusing on a single industry in a single location (“Labor History Timeline”). The National Labor Union (NLU) that was founded in 1866 sought to bring together all the smaller organized labor groups across the United States in order to fight for their shared goals, foremost of which was the standardization of the full work day as eight hours (“Early National Organizations”). The NLU seemed to achieve this goal in 1868, when Congress passed legislation dictating that government employees would work an eight hour day. The victory was not as complete as it might seem, however; many of the individual agencies affected by the legislation responded by reducing the wages of their employees, despite President Grant’s orders not to. While the NLU was able to get similar legislation passed in some states, as well, businesses were often able to find loopholes in the laws that allowed them to continue to exploit their workers. This pattern of a push from one side and a push back from the other would continue throughout the history of workers and businesses. The government’s attempts to regulate labor were ineffective at best, especially when said legislation was favorable to the workers, as the businesses would find loopholes or outright ignore the new rules without reprisal.
Though the NLU would prove short-lived, disbanding in 1873, they paved the way for the creation of other labor organizations on a national scale (“Labor History Timeline”). Other early labor organizations included the Order of the Knights of St. Crispin (founded in 1867), the Knights of Labor (founded in 1869), and the Daughters of St. Crispin (formed in 1870). Though workers had been fighting for more equal treatment since the earliest years of the nation, this new push toward organization of labor demonstrated a shift in the way the nation thought about work. It is no coincidence this took place at the same time the institution of slavery was ended. The belief that laborers in all fields deserved the same autonomy and respect as the owners of the business was gaining prominence, especially with the working class. In these early union years, the Government often took the role of supporting the workers in their push for better conditions and higher compensation, though the effectiveness of said legislation was often diminished in their implementation.
The relationship between workers, businesses, and the government would shift again in the early twentieth century. Among the labor organizations to come out of the workers’ rights push of the late 1800s were the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) and the American Federation of Labor (AFL), both of whom had acquired large memberships and a similarly significant amount of clout by the early 1900s (“Labor History Timeline”). A 1902 strike of almost 150,000 coal workers led by the UMWA in Eastern Pennsylvania was significant enough that it threatened the nation’s ability to satisfy its growing energy demands, leading President Theodore Roosevelt to step in and resolve the issue, earning coal workers a 10% wage increase and shorter hours (24/7 Wall St.). Emboldened by this and other recent labor successes, a series of strikes took place at the end of World War I in 1919. These movements spanned disparate regions and industries, from a general strike in Seattle to police officers and telephone operators in New England. All-told, over 4 million workers representing 20% of the nation’s workforce went on strike in 1919 (“Postwar Labor Tensions”).
Of the 1919 strikes, the steel industry’s strike was the most significant, involving 365,000 workers in Pittsburgh—a strike that would ultimately backfire for the workers, as industry business owners used public fears of the growing communist threat to turn them against the workers (24/7 Wall St.). The strike ultimately backfired; the unions, vilified in the public eye, lost their bargaining power and much of the ground they’d gained during World War I. National union membership dropped from 5 million to 3 million; at the government level, minimum wage laws for women were abolished, child labor laws were repealed, and the Supreme Court handed down a ruling that outlawed picketing (“Postwar Labor Tensions”). As had been in case in the 1860s and 1870s, a push from one side brought a push back from the other, and the government ultimately aligned with the victor.
It is no coincidence that these changes aligned with the end of World War I. Times of war have a significant impact on the national economy, especially in an industrial era, and tensions between business and workers would again come to a head in the 1940s, following the end of World War II. The Great Depression of the 1930s re-inspired workers to organize. Though some workers turned to the same radical Communist and Socialist groups that had been so taboo just ten years prior, others returned to the unions. The membership of the AFL grew by 1.3 million from 1933 to 1936 and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) was formed within the AFL in 1935 (“Labor History Timeline”). The ability of unions to organize successfully was aided by the passage of the Norris-La Guardia Anti-Injunction Act of 1932 and the Wagner Act of 1935, which between them gave unions back their power to bargain and clearly defined unfair labor practices (“Norris-La Guardia Act of 1932”). As had happened in 1919, the end of World War II in 1945 brought a wave of strikes across the nation, which then led to public sentiment turning against the labor unions, ultimately resulting in a restriction of union power and activities with the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 (Wagner). The act was so restrictive of union activities and so diminished worker rights that President Harry S. Truman called it a “slave-labor bill” and vetoed the act, which was passed over his veto by the Congress in response to public demand.
Post-war periods in American history have often brought the issue of labor rights to the forefront. In the 1860s, this prompted a push toward the recognition of workers’ rights and the organization of the first national labor unions. Following World War I and World War II, massive labor strikes turned public opinion against the unions, shifting the power back in favor of the business owners and prompting the passage of legislation at the national level that ensured it would stay there for the foreseeable future. In its attempts to regulate these conflicts between workers and businesses, the government has largely come down on the side of the group currently holding the most influence and power, reinforcing the victor rather than seeking compromise. Often, it has been the court of public opinion—rather than the court of law—that has determined who comes out on top in these struggles. This tended to work out in favor of the business owners in the first half of the twentieth century, when the population largely relied on a few major media outlets for the bulk of their news. In our modern world, the internet could prove the most valuable tool for workers looking to shift the balance of power back in their favor. It is easier than before for workers to share their side of the story and gain public support, which can then translate into favorable action by the government. Regardless of the outcomes, the relationship between businesses and workers continues to be a largely adversarial one, punctuated by intervention by the government but largely taking place in the minds and hearts of the citizens.
Works Cited
24/7 Wall St. “The 10 Biggest Strikes in American History.” Fox Business. Fox, 9 August 2011. Web. 12 July 2016.
“Early National Organizations.” U.S. History: Pre-Columbian to the New Millennium. U.S. History, n.d. Web. 12 July 2016.
“Labor History Timeline.” AFL-CIO: America’s Unions. AFL-CIO, n.d. Web. 12 July 2016.
“Norris-LaGuardia Act of 1932.” Society for Human Resource Management. SHRM, 3 December 2008. Web. 12 July 2016.
“Postwar Labor Tensions.” Digital History. Digital History, n.d. Web. 12 July 2016.
Wagner, Steven. “How Did the Taft-Hartley Act Come About?” History News Network. HNN, 14 October 2002. Web. 12 July 2016.
