Childhood Obesity
UNIVERITY
Historically, overweight children were a symbol of wealth, and being well taken care of by their family(Gilman, 2008; A.C. Saguy, 2012). Currently, this does not seem to be the case, quite frankly, it is just the opposite. News media and medical research place blame on parents for jeopardizing their children's health by not monitoring their weight(Barry, Brescoll, & Gollust, 2013; Barry, Jarlenski, Grob, Schlesinger, & Gollust, 2011; N. C. Boero, 2010; Abigail C Saguy & Gruys, 2010). The purpose of this paper is to understanding society's response to childhood obesity through the lens of Agenda-Setting theory. This theory is useful to explore how mass media communication dictates the primary, alarming concern of childhood obesity coached in moral terms (Cohen. 2002). Furthermore, use of Agenda-Setting, Labeling theory and concept of Moral Panic highlights how mass media coverage cultivates fear and reorients public's attention to individual-level factors of childhood obesity rather than social institutions that have equal if not more influence on the rise in obesity among children(A.C. Saguy, 2012; Abigail C Saguy & Gruys, 2010).
Framing and Labeling Childhood Obesity as Moral Panic
The media plays a significant role in which public health issues are deemed most concerning(Griffin & McClish, 2011). Over the last two decades, the media has significantly increased the report of adverse health effects relating to childhood obesity (Barry et al., 2013). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reports childhood obesity has more than doubled in twenty years(Control & Prevention, 2013). Framing the rise in overweight children as an "epidemic" implies that this is a personal and social problem. Framing is a methodical tool that is derived from the Agenda-Setting theory developed by Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw(Griffin & McClish, 2011; McCombs, 2013). The Agenda-Setting theory posits that the media informs the priorities of the public (Griffin & McClish, 2011; McCombs, 2013). The media is seen as the strongest force, influencing the way individuals think about certain issues (Griffin & McClish, 2011; McCombs, 2013). As such, the Agenda-Setting theory is especially useful with regard to the news coverage of childhood obesity.
Labeling Theory first posited by Becker in 1950 began to focalize on the way in which negative labels get applied and the consequences of this process(Becker, 2008). The theory states that “social groups create deviance and that deviant behavior is that which is so labeled. The deviant is one to whom that label has been successful been applied; deviant behavior is behavior that people so label."(Becker, 2008) Labeling theory sees behavior as influenced by terms of we or the media describe or distribute them(Becker, 2008). Therefore, the negative stereotyping and racist underpinnings of the claims associated with the cause of obesity is an example of labeling theory. Agenda-Setting theory perceives public judgments of social issues to follow what the media is reporting (Griffin & McClish, 2011; McCombs, 2013). Therefore, the cause and solution to the problem of childhood obesity are immensely influenced by how the media frames this issue.
The media typically points the finger at individual rather than shedding light on social factors that significantly contribute to adverse health outcomes. Researchers identified 277 obesity-related published national articles in 1995, by 2004 there were nearly 1,000 articles published nation-wide (Atanasova, Koteyko, & Gunter, 2012; Kim & Willis, 2007). Public attention has clearly increased along with the mass media's coverage, which appears to be increasing at a more rapid pace than the actual rise in obesity rates (Atanasova et al., 2012; Barry et al., 2011; Kim & Willis, 2007). The media's narrative of childhood obesity has shifted to focus on the personal level solution (e.g: diet, activity and medical interventions), rather than the significant role of environmental factors(Atanasova et al., 2012; Barry et al., 2013; A.C. Saguy, 2012), such as unsafe parks, unhealthy food industry, and decreased school funds for children's lunch.
Labeling the child obesity scene in a negative label or stigma, as society does. Therefore, child obesity is deviant through the labeling theory. The individual level coverage significantly outnumbers societal changes (Atanasova et al., 2012; Barry et al., 2013; N. C. Boero, 2010; Kim & Willis, 2007; A.C. Saguy, 2012)necessary to truly impact the health and wellbeing of children. Another study examined national and regional news sources and found the press dedicated coverage to personal solutions to obesity at much higher rate than institutional, policy changes(Barry et al., 2011). Thus illustrating the media establishes the public agenda, and priming the general public to perceive the obesity epidemic as one of personal failure. Consequentially, there is decreased attention to structural issues of poverty, as well as legislative measures that could regulate the food industries and school funds.
These findings illustrate how the media frames the narrative of certain issues, which in turn influences how this issue is addressed. Media framing against obesity are an excellent exemplary social issue of how modern crusades alter a physical condition into a moral threat. The obesity scare fits the explanation of "conduct panic" given by sociologist Stanley Cohen in 1972: "A arrangement emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylized and stereotypical fit by the mass media; the moral barricades are manned by editors, bishops, politicians and other right-thinking people; socially accredited experts pronounce their diagnoses and solutions"(Cohen, 2002).You'd assume there's enough scientific evidence that weight injury is medically beneficial. However, according to Paul Campos (Campos, 2004), there's no such evidence. It's true that severe obesity has been correlative with ill health, but it does not automatically follow that losing importance is virtuous for everyone defined as "overweight."
Media Narratives: Ethnicity and Gender
Scholars criticized the obesity epidemic for not being one of contagion, but rather a "post-modern epidemic," that evokes moral panic(Cohen, 2002) with an arguably pathological basis (N. Boero, 2012; A.C. Saguy, 2012; Abigail C Saguy & Gruys, 2010). Scientifically supported medicine and historical assumptions about obesity relate to ethnicity and race, gender, all of which are utilized in the media's framing of this epidemic (N. Boero, 2012; A.C. Saguy, 2012; Abigail C Saguy & Gruys, 2010). An analysis of news headlines demonstrates how the framing of news stories fosters support of particular attitudes and beliefs(Griffin & McClish, 2011; McCombs, 2013).The media frames the "obesity epidemic" in ways that further individualize ill health during a time when health care access and social support have been severely dismantled(N. Boero, 2012; N. C. Boero, 2010). The Agenda-Setting theory highlights how racism and sexism still exist in that the media holds racial minorities and mothers solely responsible for the rise and reform of childhood obesity(N. C. Boero, 2010; A.C. Saguy, 2012; Abigail C Saguy & Gruys, 2010).
Media and public concerns about the health risks associated with obesity is often couched in terms of judgment, blame and morality(A.C. Saguy, 2012). Mothers are primarily held responsible for the child's food choices because mothers have long been associated with the preparation of food for the family(N. Boero, 2012). Given this, it is not surprising that mothers are blamed and held responsible for the "causes" and "cures" to childhood obesity. Natalie Boero’s work found many childhood obesity news stories express concerns over working mothers(N. Boero, 2012; N. C. Boero, 2010). For example, the Sacramento Bee featured an article entitled, "New Wake-Up Call: Study Ties Kid's Obesity to Mom's Job", which claimed overweight children are more likely to have working mothers (Boero, 2010). Articles use research to shame working mothers for being unable to be home 24/7 to supervise their child's activity levels and food consumption, sheds light on how childhood obesity is used to uncover cultural concerns of challenging traditional gender roles. The use of these generic sexisit labels furthers dicrimsination rather than brining healthy equality.
According to the Agenda-Setting theory, the media has the power to shape how people think about several issues (Griffin & McClish, 2011; McCombs, 2013). Public polls reflect the media's framing of placing blame on mothers/parents for the rise of the obesity epidemic. For example, over 86% of parents blame themselves for putting their child at risk of obesity-related (Nielsen, 2010). Parental blame is illuminated on obesity forums; comments include parents of obese children are "down-right bad parents" and "Parents lack responsibility and moral courage. They ruin their offspring"(Discussion, 2010). A recent study concluded parents believed obesity was passed down generationally and stigmatized this as a result of "lazy parenting"(Eli, Howell, Fisher, & Nowicka, 2014).
The media overlooks influential social factors, thus suggesting the discussion of childhood obesity rests upon pre-existing cultural concerns of working mothers and minorities, thus resembling a moral panic rather than a public health crisis (Cohen, 2002). It is also important to note that because obesity is most prevalent Hispanic and African-Americans(Control & Prevention, 2013)., mothers of color are particularly targeted and blamed for their child's weight. The news media identifies "ethnic culture" as the reason for the high rates of obesity in Hispanic and African American communities (N. C. Boero, 2010). Articles imply mothers are "doing wrong" to their children by cooking "ethnic” meals; they are asked to replace these meals, belittling the significance of their culture.(N. C. Boero, 2010). Contributing obesity to mothers, who uphold cultural traditions, overshadows structural inequalities that severely impact both minorities and women. Again, applying labeling theory of deviance, this steorotyping just fosters more racial discrimination and stereotyping that will cause children to become even unhealthier.
Conclusion
This paper explored the role of the media evoking public discussion and concern of childhood obesity epidemic. Analyzing media coverage of childhood obesity through the lens of Agenda-Setting and Labeling theory (Becker, 2008) reveals two prominent frames addressing childhood obesity. One frame constructs a narrative of personal responsibility while the other holds societal-level structures (e.g.: access to healthcare, safer parks/neighborhoods school lunches, food industry) accountable for the rise in obesity among children. The mass media employs the individual-level rhetoric more often than calling for structural change, which has more potential for effectively addressing this problem on a mass scale.(Barry et al., 2013; Barry et al., 2011; Eli et al., 2014; Abigail C Saguy & Gruys, 2010) Moreover, the news media frequently blames and demoralizes parents of obese children(N. Boero, 2012; N. C. Boero, 2010; Eli et al., 2014) evoking what Cohen refers to as a “moral panic”(Cohen, 2002). As a result, messages from the media re-conceptualizes society's understandings of moral responsibility, placing blame on parents, which in turn may further strengthen pre-existing social stigmas and discrimination.
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