At the end of World War II, the world was awakened to a pressing need to build and strengthen institutions that would manage issues that led to the war and the economic turmoil that followed. But what are these ‘institutions’ and why do they matter?
Institutions have been defined within a wide spectrum in the international relations literature; to date there is no widely-agreed upon definition. The concept is sometimes defined broadly to encompass all of the diverse international relations, often leaving the learner with little analytical bite. Towards one end is the notion of institutions as establishing the ‘rules of engagement’ for a society. On the other it has been cited as the formal and informal constraints on political, economic, and social interactions. From this perspective, international institutions are regarded as establishing an incentive structure that reduces uncertainty and promotes global systems. At the other end of the spectrum the definition is more specific with a listing of the particular organizational entities, procedural devices, and regulatory frameworks. Such ‘bedrock’ institutions of world order include; the UN, the G-8, NATO, and the Bretton Woods Institutions-as well as major regional organizations, such as the European Union (EU), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the African Union (AU), and the Organization of American States.
But a more subtle definition of the term ‘institution’ is a set of rules that stipulate the manner in which states should cooperate and compete with each other. This will involve the prescribed acceptable forms of state behavior, in one extreme and the prescribed unacceptable kinds of behavior on the other extreme. These rules are often negotiated by the member states, and according to many theorist, they are a reflection of higher norms, which are prevalent ‘standards of behavior defined in terms of rights and obligations. The formalization of these rules is done through international agreements, and is thereafter embodied in organizations with their own personnel and budgets. However, to be formally recognized within the sovereign member states there are often a need for ‘ratification’. Moreover, it is not the organizations per se that compels states to obey the rules. These institutions are not supposed to be the ‘international governments’. States themselves must choose to obey the rules they created. In a nutshell, international institutions call for the decentralized cooperation of individual sovereign states, devoid of any effective command mechanism.
Categorizing some of these institutions into specific pools in terms of interests can be a daunting task given the diverse sectors that some of them engage. The UN for instance has different organizations, missions and agencies; whose mandate ranges from agriculture, peacekeeping, health, security, and commerce. But any such institution would possibly fall within three critical areas. These include managing the Global Economy; preventing and Responding to Violent Conflicts; and Countering Transnational Threats. Within these broad clusters one is likely to find institutions that have a measurable level of success while some will demonstrate an inability to adapt to the changes that have followed since their inception.
Many policymakers as well as academics believe that global institutions hold great promise towards the realization of progress in tackling global issues. The optimism is not baseless. As a matter of fact some of these institutions have made great strides in their areas of specialization despite many challenges. But while international institutions have shaped the world politics in complex and multiple ways, there is a different strand of thought that advocates for a reevaluation of these institutions; citing several handicap and inefficiency. Their argument is pegged on the belief that they have not had the impact which many anticipated.
This will investigate the efficacy of these institutions in the global system while assessing their possible impacts realized the empirical problems and how policymakers can address these emerging issues.
The Relevance of Global Institutions
Often when we talk about international institutions, the first that comes to mind is the United Nations (UN). As the most representative inter-governmental organization in the world, (a memberships of 193 states) the UN has an irreplaceable role in global affairs. With stated aims that include promoting and facilitating international law, international security, economic development, social progress, human rights, civil rights, civil liberties, political freedoms, democracy and lasting world peace; arguably this is a tall order that requires intense coordination. Some of the key UN System agencies in this pursuit include World Health Organization (WHO), World Food Programme (WFP), International Labor Law (ILO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) to name but a few. The UN has other organs such as the International Court of Justice, Economic and Social Council.
Amidst all these challenges, the UN and some of its global institutions has made strides in making the world a better place that it would have been in its absence. The overall record of the second half of the twentieth century is one of significant advances. The world economy managed to recover from the devastation of the Second World War and went on to expand as never before with emergence of new economies and a growing middle class. Even in the developing world there has been remarkable growth. Child mortality has been reduced and some ailments have been eradicated through aggressive vaccination campaigns. It is important to point out that much of the tranquility and order that characterized the decades after 1945 did not come by accident. There emerged a new breed of far-sighted statesmen and women who were determined to make the world better. Their guiding principles were the rules set to govern international behavior and the founded institutions that ensured cooperation among states for a common good.
The UN system has also devoted attention and resources to the promotion and development of human skills. The systems annual disbursements, including loans and grants amount to more than $10 billion. The UN Development Programme, working in close cooperation with over 170 states and other UN agencies, designs and implements projects in industry, environment, agriculture and education. With a budget of $1.3 billion, UNDP has managed to support more than 5,000 projects in different states. The World Bank has established itself as the largest multilateral source of grant for development assistance loaning $ 333 billion since 1946. In addition UNICEF spends at least $ 800 million every year on immunization, healthcare, nutrition and basic education in more than 138 countries.
In 2005 the then-Secretary General Kofi Annan published a report In Larger Freedom, a Proposal for the Reform of UN. This was a demonstration of the inherent weaknesses that and a need for reforms. While some have called for a strengthened UN, citing weakness such as the failure to prevent genocide in Rwanda, the US unilateral attack on Iraq, and the ineffective Security council.
The World Trade Organization (WTO) has equally come under sharp criticism and its efficiency being a subject of contestation. This is after its expansion and institutionalization; incorporating other institutions like the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank. Virtually every major meeting of the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO ends in a stalemate. Critics who are anti-globalization have argued that these are instruments for the domination of the developing countries by both the rich countries or the forces of international capitalism. The right wings view them as a usurpation of the role of the market and a strategy for easing pressure on developing states to adopt efficient, market-promoting policies.
Impact of Global Institutions
In his article title The False Promise of International Institution, John J. Mearsheimer seeks to examine the claim that institutions push states away from war and promote peace. Though his article is based largely on the military alliances that had dotted Europe at the end of the Cold War, the theoretical frameworks that he seeks to criticize are universal in application for such institutions. In the end he opines that the downside for policymakers is the reliance on institutional theories that do not accurately describe the world, hence policies based on them are bound to fail. This pessimistic view about global institutions is not unique, neither is it novel. While many states still retain membership to the institutions that were formed after the Second World War, there has been a growing trend of states forming regional or sub-regional institutions that they feel serves their interest better. This is not a bad idea, indeed the UN actually encourages such regional ties, but this scenario could also mean little satisfaction from the global bodies. Even within the UN framework, there is little assurance that competing interest between different institutions will be addressed to ensure tranquility. An ideal example is the unfolding scenario between the AU and the UN Security Council over the deferral of cases facing the Kenyan President and his deputy at the ICC. This amongst many provides a vivid recognition that the architecture of global governance-largely reflecting the world as it existed in 1945-has not kept pace with fundamental changes in the international systems. This inability to adapt thus provides an inadequate foundation for addressing today’s most pressing problems.
Emerging Challenges in the New World Order
The world as it was in 1945 has evolved dramatically, fundamentally, and irrevocably. Without realignment some of the institutions formed then may become obsolete. Some of these changes include, The Emergence of the Global South, the US still remains a dominant influence in international system, however the strong contestation for the apex in political, economic, and military power by the emerging state like China, Brazil, and India cannot be ignored. This coupled by the relative decline of Europe has rendered some core international institutions from the UN Security Council to the Group of Eight industrialized nations (G8), reeling in perceived misrepresentation and illegitimacy.
The Rise of Transnational Threats, one of the most important foreign policy challenges of the twenty-first century is undoubtedly transnational threats-from terrorism to pandemics to climate change. Such challenges, spontaneous as they may be will require new forms institutionalized cooperation beyond what currently exists.
The Specter of Weak States, contrary to popular tradition, the current threat of world security emanates from weak states like Afghanistan, and Somali. These have been adopted by terrorist organization as safe havens. There is need to ensure that such weak states are strengthened so that they achieve favorable level of statehood that can enable then to protect their sovereignty.
The Spread of Regional and sub-regional Organizations, whilst the UN Charter of 1945 approve regional organizations, their real offshoot began after the end of the Cold War, either as complements to universal –membership organizations or substitutes. The modern concept should be assess the comparative advantages of these competing institutions and encourage judicious division of labor amongst then. This will ensure an effective burden sharing, rather than conflict situations or burden shifting.
Growing Reliance on Coalitions of the Willing, the inaction and blatant paralysis of the mainstream institutions like the UN has led to a move towards consolidating narrower collective action among like-minded states. An example is the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). This has led to the overlooking of the formal organization in the quest for quicker solutions.
The Mounting Influence of non-state actors, in the recent few decades, there has been a notable rise in non-state groups and individuals that are capable of operating across numerous sovereign jurisdictions. These non-state actors include benign forces, such as philanthropic institutions like the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, humanitarian NGOs, and civil society; and illicit organizations motivated greed like Al-Qaeda, Mexican drug syndicates. These will require an increased level of consultation amongst state and non-state actors.
Conclusion
International institutions and global governance will still remain relevant despite the sustained onslaught by critics who are quick to point out their perceived inefficiency. The reason for this assertion is that despite the numerous challenges, some of these institutions have achieved milestones in making the world better. A consideration of the situations leading to the world wars leaves us with no choice but to support these institutions whilst pursuing reformative strides. One of the hallmarks of the past two decades has been the enlargement of formal regional organizations in many corners of the world. With the mandate, competencies, and capacities of these heterogeneous bodies varying enormously, the formal institutions must seek to play a critical role in ensuring that these bodies play a full and appropriate role in managing the emerging global threats of insecurity, climate change, clean energy, and pandemics like HIV/AIDS, SARS, Ebola and natural disasters.
A starting point would be to examine the current status and potential role of multilateral bodies in all of the regions as discussed in this section. The European region has the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Organization for Security and Co-operation, and the European Union. The Asia-Pacific region has the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. The African region with African Union, New Partnership for African Development, the South African Development Community, and the Economic Community of West African State. The Latin American region has the Organization of American States and the regional trade groupings such as NAFTA, CAFTA, and Mercosur. The Middle East region has the Arab League, the G-8 sponsored Forum for the Future, and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. An engagement with these new players will most likely lead to distribution of responsibly and cooperation and hence avoid the problem of duplicity of roles. This will ultimately bring new relevance to the major players in global systems.
References
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