At the outset of her expedition, Martha Ward was confronted with many obstacles which are inherent in the relocation of an individual to a foreign locale, to include differences in culture and societal norms as well as social relationships, religious practices, lifestyle, and the physical challenges of adapting to new geographical region with a foreign climate and landscape. Whilst residing on Pohnpei, Ward was forced to confront each of these elements.
Consider first the cultural differences between Ward, an educated woman of western origin, attempting to assimilate into a culture, historically tribal in nature, pregnant with superstition, in cultural abidance of historical practices of male primacy with regard to political structure. Pohnpei was markedly different in nearly every cultural respect from the United States. The inhabitants maintained a foreign diet which included things such as dog, they ritualistically consumed a psychoactive substance called Kava, and their lax perspectives on sex would be considered licentious by many western standards. Certainly Ward prepared mentally for a distinct shift in cultural norms; however, it should be understood that Ward was not an observer on Pohnpei, but rather a participant in their society. While one may become familiar with customs, it proves a significant challenge for even the most well prepared anthropologist to become immersed in another culture, a necessary ingredient in garnering acceptance by the local polity of Pohnpei.
Additionally, Ward faced the challenge of a lifestyle significantly different from her own existence living in a large Victorian-style home in New Orleans. On Pohnpei Ward moved into a tin hut and was expected to do daily chores and manual labor. The difficulty of this was compounded by the fact the Pohnpei is one of the wettest regions in the world with approximately 300 inches of rain per year and average temperature north of eighty-fives degrees Fahrenheit. These changes to environmental conditions certainly proved challenging, especially when taken together, thus compounding the difficulty of each individual factor.
2.
The nature of sexuality and romantic relationship on Pohnpei reflect both ancient traditions and the influences of western civilizations. Ward (2004) notes that most Pohnpeians view sex “with more fun and less seriousness than most westerners do" (p. 36). The manifestation of this reality however, is an interesting amalgamation of traditional Pohnpeian laxness towards sex and western reserve. In general, Pohnpeian private practice embraces lightheartedness surrounding the discussion of sex amongst both genders while inhabitants of the island publically state that foreign influences have chastened attitudes in Pohnpei. Importantly, while males and females freely discuss sexuality, traditional morays are firmly in place while in mixed company.
Marriage on Pohnpei often occurs in two forms: ritualistic and religious marriage that includes a ceremony and celebration, and common law marriage which occurs when two individuals choose to live together. Modern marriage are distinguished by this fact of cohabitation and these relationships are generally monogamous, the rate of divorce being extremely low.
In the Pohnpeian family paradigm, adoption plays an important role, especially for childless couples as the social structure on the island supports a need for an heir to inherit property. Also, children serve as a labor source on Pohnpei and traditionally support parents in their old age. The issue of inheritance becomes especially important in large families where younger siblings will receive only a small portion of their forbearers assets as an inheritance. As such, it is common for relatives to adopt these younger siblings as their inheritors, thereby redistributing wealth and serving as a social pressure valve supporting continuity of communities.
3. Kava, also known as sakau, is a root plant which grows on many Polynesian and Micronesian islands. Native peoples use Kava to create a drink which acts as a mild sedative without impairing cognitive function. Kava is harvested and then the roots are emulsified using basalt stones and rocks. The mixture is then added to hibiscus bark and a think brown liquid is made. Alternatively, Kava root can be made into a powder. This powder is then soaked in water and then strained before drinking. The consumption of Kava extends beyond any kind of nutritional benefit. Rather Kava is a symbol of openness and celebration where individuals will gather to drink Kava together. The narcotic effect of Kava has proven beneficial to those with social anxiety disorder. It has much the same effect on native Pohnpeians, allowing peoples to relax and commune with the neighbors, family and friends in open celebration. This is especially important in Pohnpei where very few concentrations of dwellings. Because of its centrality in culture, crafts and paraphernalia associated with Kava’s production and use are expertly crafted. On Pohnpei today, the largely Christian population still embraced the use of Kava; however, the introduction of alcohol has proven to be something of a problem with heavy Kava users as the dual consumption of both products can lead to significant health problems.
Over the thirty years spanning the distance in time between Martha Ward’s visits to Pohnpei, the island culture did indeed evolve and many influences of foreign culture can be seen to have asserted a foothold amongst the populace; however, many features of Pohnpeian culture and society which remain strong in tradition.
The economic landscape of Pohnpei has changed significantly in the last few decades. Traditionally the island was a self-sustaining, closed economy. Beginning in the 19th century, Pohnpeians began to trade with foreigners. In the past items were exchanged as gifts and clothing, implements, and food were all the products of personal labor. These traditions have declined significantly as peoples have become much more dependent on manufactured products. Nevertheless, it should be noted that Pohnpeians are still largely dependent on local produce, usually farmed themselves. While markets exist for the sale of produce, large scale commercialization has proven unsuccessful. This is due in part to the Pohnpeian cultural emphasis on social relationships over economic development.
Historically a tribal society, Pohnpeians have experienced a decline in tribal association as a result of modern influence. The immediate family typically served as the family unit for all of Pohnpei’s histoy, though peoples associated with tribes and sub-tribes, the structure serving as a source of solidarity. Modernization has reduced the strength of this association and continues to do so.
Another point of note when considering the evolution of Pohnpei is gender roles. In large part, the traditional system of males holding political authority and females holding social authority remains strong today as it was thirty years ago. This is reflected in part in the division of labor between men and women. Traditionally, men served the role of hunter, fisherman, and heavy agricultural work while women focused more on raising children and domestic animals and tending to household chores. Today, women work primarily in supportive roles such as secretaries while men hold higher level positions. In addition, Pohnpeians maintain their guardianship over gender-specific skills and knowledge surrounding ceremony, songs, dances, and lore. While there has been a westernizing influence, as seen in the increased participation of men in raising children and the increased economic participation of females, the traditionally gender roles have been asserted into a present-day context. This feature of adaptability is one which Ward notes on multiple occasions.
