(Insert Institute)
Most of the American Reform Movements date back to the nineteenth and twentieth century. Finding a basis in the political, economic, and social traditions within societies living in the United States, said movements sought to alter certain practices and beliefs amongst the citizens. Consequently, different minority groups, with the support of various allies, called for changes to alleviate their current positions within the social order. The primary goal for the movements revolves around raising awareness amongst community members and in turn, steer the country into policy changes (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 320). It is important to note that the reformers’ period of existence lies in a time of the great marginalization witnessed amongst Americans. For instance, the American society of the 1800s and part of the 1900s placed a lot of authority to the white males. Therefore, marginalization existed on the basis of gender amongst the whites and race among all of the United States communities with white supremacy taking the lead. Like any call for revolution, changes on American soil faced many oppositions seeking to maintain circumstances in their primary states. For example, the different opinions between the northern and southern states about slavery are the chief cause of the American Civil War of 1861 to 1865 (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 348). The same contradictions are evident in other calls for change as the two parts of the country shared different ideologies. This research paper seeks to identify the major restructuring changes in the history of the United States and identify the critical arguments for said actions whilst paying attention to the key figures in the same.
Prior the American Civil War, the slavery system in the United States formed the backbone of the society. Kennedy and Bailey (2001) attest to this notion by stating that, “slavery was rooted in both racism and economic exploitation” (p.348). In other words, the white-skinned American was superior to the black-skinned Americans, a fact that forced the latter into slavery under the arm of the former. Hence, African Americans became property of the white men under the slavery institution (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 353). With time, most of the American ideologies found basis n slavery especially in the South where cotton farmers depended on slavery for free labor (Matsubara, 2006, p.57). As aforementioned, the American Civil War of 1861-1865 originates from the division of Americans into pro and anti-slavery groups. The northerners were industrialists in need of trained personnel in their factories. On the other hand, the southerners practiced large-scale cotton farming and sought out ignorant blacks to exploit in the fields (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 357). It is no wonder, “slaves were the primary form of wealth in the South" (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 358) as more slaves meant more money for the owners. On that note, the foundation of the southern states’ pro-slavery argument was their economy. Historians report on the southerners’ belief that the anti-slavery stance by the northern states was a tactic to cripple the latter’s financial infrastructure (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 358).
Aside from questioning the northerners’ motives, the southern white men launched other pro-slavery arguments. First, according to the men of the south, slavery “was supported by the authority of the Bible and the wisdom of Aristotle” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 366). According to the white men, all blacks were barbaric and incapable of self-governance (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 366). Therefore, slavery was in aid to the inferior race as without it, African-Americans can face extinction. After all, the white man provided the blacks with “Christian civilization” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 366) to raise them from their animalistic nature. Finally, “the blacks mostly toiled in the fresh air and sunlight” on their masters' cotton fields (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 359). In comparison, the immigrants and other factory workers in the north worked “in dark and stuffy factories” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 359), conditions worse than that of slaves. In addition, the factory workers had no guarantee of employment as they were mere “hired hands” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 366). Therefore, slavery was not unjust to the African Americans; rather, it was the liberation of a race from the possibility of its self-destruction.
Southern states provided pro-slavery arguments in retaliation to the abolitionist’s movement towards the emancipation of African American slaves. However, there were other movements to refute the concepts of American cultures and in turn, the country’s government. In “The 1910s Anti-Prostitution Movement and the Transformation of American Political Culture” Matsubara (2006) argues towards confusion settling in American communities following the emancipation of slaves in 1865 (p.57). According to the author, the southerners’ dependence on slavery, extended beyond the economy and into its society” (Matsubara, 2006, p.57). Hence, with slavery, the free whites could discern the societies’ elite from the lower class of the same. Said distinguishing factor revolves around the concept of slaves representing wealth for the owners. Therefore, the rich men in the society owned many slaves whilst the poorest had few to none of the same. The abolition of slavery led to the disappearance of the so-called “boundary” in defining “decent Americans” (Matsubara, 2006, p.57). In other words, white Americans turned against each other while trying to redefine social morals and values. For the first time in the white man's history, the community realized its evils and became less tolerant of the same.
Prior the American Civil War, United States’ societies practiced different degrees of tolerance such as slavery and the superiority of white men over their female counterparts and slaves. Consequently, as aforementioned, the success of the abolition movement allowed Americans to look at other factors that needed reformation. One such factor is prostitution and birth control which, according to the social puritans, “destroys thousands of unborn babies and brings idiots and blind children into the world” (Matsubara, 2006, p.59). The primary goals of the anti-prostitution movement entailed the conversion of “prostitutes to evangelical Protestantism and to close down the city’s many brothels” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 347). Otherwise referred to as the “Social Puritan Movement” the anti-prostitution campaigns reached their peak in early twentieth century. According to the Matsubara (2006), “the transformation of American political culture” (p.56) gave rise to the awareness of prostitution as a problem. Apparently, political culture does not merely define the politics of the country. Matsubara (2006), claims that, the term comprises of “values, beliefs, knowledge, symbols, discourses, and actions” (p.56) of a given state. Thus, with the abolition of slavery came a thorough disorientation of all aforementioned ideologies in the South, “North and even the West” (Matsubara, 2006, p.56). In the South, people lay the blame on the Northerners’ factories that promoted the need for “workers and immigrants throughout the nineteenth century (Matsubara, 2006, p.57). After all, the presence of immigrants in the country helped the deterioration of moral values and extreme poverty due to lack of guaranteed work. Both factors encouraged prostitution.
The Temperance movement finds its basis in 1826 when “the American Temperance Society was formed at Boston in 1826” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 330). Pressure to curb the rising number of alcoholics in the United States originates from the inefficiency factory workers exhibited. Kennedy and Bailey (2001) attest to the problems factory owners faced due to their employees working “under the influence of alcohol" (p.329). With drunken employees, proprietors suffered low production rates and incompetence in the handling of industrial properties. In addition, Pennock (2005) argues that, the founders’ anti-alcohol approach revolved around a “religious-moral system” amongst the Protestants in America (p.20). Thus, within a few years multiple subgroups emerged with the aim of encouraging drunkards into signing “the temperance pledge” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 330). Most notable leader of the movement is Frances Willard, who, as stated by Pennock (2005), argued against any possibilities of a moderate drinker (p.21). According to Willard’s arguments, a drunkard could not control his or her drinking as the mere love of alcohol dictates a problem (Pennock, 2001, p.21). The abolitionists’ campaign overshadowed calls for temperance in America for a short period before and during the Civil War. However, within ten years after the war, Americans saw the Women Christian Temperance Union’s revival (Pennock, 2001, p.21). Tactics employed by the members include banning alcohol advertisements on the media (Pennock, 2001, p.22) and attaching warning labels to alcohol drinks (Pennock, 2001, p.22). The reformers believed advertisements only enticed viewers to partake alcoholic drinks and with the warning labels people would opt to preserve their health in the face of possible health issues.
So far, reformers in antebellum America and even those after the Civil War presented the need to create a morally upright and progressive society. With the dawn of the industrial era, all forms of change faced multiple hindrances aside from the change resistant individuals (Sutton, 1991, p.665). For instance, due to lack of sustainable work, the levels of poverty rose rapidly to the extent of the majority of the population ending up in huge debts (Sutton, 1991, p.665). Nonetheless, in the new America, “brutal punishments, such as whipping and branding, were being slowly eliminated” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 328). Instead, the government resorted to the idea of prisons reforming people and at the same time, serve as “houses of correction and penitentiaries” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 328). With imprisonment, the society secluded wrongdoers and criminals from the public. The isolation left the deranged and mentally ill persons without a form of seclusion, and that is where Dorothea Dix comes into the picture (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p.329)). Dix’s contribution towards public awareness of the sufferings of the mentally ill in the hands of the public was legit. According to Kennedy and Bailey (2001), her arguments originated from “reports on insanity and asylums from firsthand observations” (p. 329). Consequently, come 1843, Dix delivered a petition to the Massachusetts legislature. In the petition, she described “cells so foul that visitors were driven back by the stench” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 329). Her persistence resulted in the reformations of asylums across the United States. In addition, her efforts allowed the peoples' understanding the fact that “the demented were not wilfully perverse, but mentally ill” (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p. 329).
Finally, yet importantly, there is a movement for women’s rights in the political, social and economic realms of America’s nineteenth-century society. As stated before, the hierarchy in the United States placed white Americans over the African Americans but, within the white man’s society, the males had more rights than the females. In fact, even with the slaves, white slave masters considered the male African American slaves stronger and in control of the women. Consequently, the women’s movement had two fronts, campaigns against the suffrage of the female sex and those towards gaining more political rights in matters of state (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p.331). Thus, it is logic to assume that the actions garnered towards the emancipation of women assumed diverse goals at once (Paletschek, 2004, p.315). It is safe to note that in the nineteenth century, communities emphasized on gender differences. As a result, the economic functions allocated to men and women were specific to each gender (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p.331). Thus, the women’s movements dictated four primary plans. First was “The Debate about the Status of Women” in the society to fight for equal economic roles with their male counterparts (Paletschek, 2004, p.315). Next, women’s education and employment stressed on the need to give women a chance in the social and economic opportunities in the United States (Paletschek, 2004, p.316). The “Demands for Civil and Political Rights” are perhaps the most important goals to the reformers’ agendas (Paletschek, 2004, p.316). The leaders of the women’s liberation movements were women belonging to the middle class in America’s society. Notable leaders include Sojourner Truth and Lucretia Mott (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p.346) both of whom put emphasis on the importance of proper education as a key to women’s liberation movements.
Conclusively, all reform movements had key female leaders to ignite the first spark that would then lead to active participation of the public and the government. For instance, in the abolitionist’s movement, “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” written by Harriet Beecher Stowe told of the sufferings slaves faced at the hands of their masters (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p.331).. The tales ignited the North’s efforts to emancipate blacks (Kennedy and Bailey, 2001, p.331). Thus, in order to have desired changes, the minorities had to realize there are problems and show determination to tackle the same. In addition, the power of the public is vital in the success of the movements. Again, in the case of the American Civil War, the battles were the final results to raising public awareness in light of a new problem that needs a solution. However, expectedly, there are bound to be those resistant to change of any kind. Fear of change explains the southerners’ stand against emancipation and the later blame they lay on the northerners for their factories and immigrants. It is indeed the industrial era that allowed factory construction and migrations of people from within and outside America to the United States’ urban towns. Changes in cultures and beliefs were inevitable with the diversified populations on American soil. All these factors prove the fears of the south to be well founded as with the reforming movements, there were subsequent changes to the lives of Americans.
References
Kennedy, D., and Bailey, T. (2001). The American Pageant: A History of the Republic, 12th Edition . Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Matsubara, H. (2006). The 1910s Anti-Prostitution Movement and the Transformation of American Political Culture. The Japanese Journal of American Studies, No. 17, 53-69.
Paletschek, S. (2004). Women’s emancipation movements in the nineteenth. Stanford Univiversity Press, 301-409.
Pennock, P. (2005). The Evolution of U.S. Temperance Movements Since Repeal: A Comparison of Two Campaigns to Control Alcoholic Beverage Marketing, 1950s and 1980s. The Social History of Alcohol and Drugs 20 , 14-65.
Sutton, J. R. (1991). The Political Economy of Madness: The Expansion of the Asylum in Progressive America. American Sociological Review, 665-678.