The Hungarian National Song
Abstract
This article presents an overview of various Nationalism views as reflected from early European Theorists, observers, and political architects of the times during which its geographical borders were shifting dramatically. A number of key thinkers contributed their unique views on Nationalism which includes Mazzini, Fichte, Herder, Ferry, and the poetic imagery of culturally inspired, yet valiant liberation concepts from the Hungarian National Song.
The Hungarian National Song
Described as arguably the most potent force in modern civilization, Nationalism has emerged as controversial fodder stimulating much socio-political public discourse. Nationalism’s variant brands have shaped aspirations of peoples throughout the world. Interactive events surrounding Nationalism, from the French Revolution forward, have raised a plethora of contradictions with which historians love to grapple over. Hard questions arise such as: Are nations comprised within a given geographic hinterland or locale? Or is ‘the nation’ made up of specific ethnic, racial or linguistic backgrounds? Does citizenship grant one to become the member of a nation?
The foregoing representation of important earlier theorists and activists offers the astute researcher a superb opportunity to explore the subject. This paper compares the views of Giuseppe Mazzini’s ‘liberal nationalist’ view with Fichte, Herder, and Jules Ferry respectively. The complex issues involved are displayed in the hearts and minds, as colorful as the array of the Empire’s position as shown in the map of European languages. Power struggles are imminent. Linguistic differences, philosophical clashes, and class wars loomed unavoidable. Amid the troubling “inefficient tax system,” according to Cole et al. (2012) which “further weakened” France’s “financial position,” events led to The French Revolution (p. 428). With the absolutist ideology of the old regime crumbling, an exploration of each view of Nationalism helps to unravel the way for a workable harmony to arrive later, on the heels of the abolishment of slavery.
Giuseppe Mazzini’s ‘liberal nationalist’ view connected an idea of a democratic Italian State as critical. Editor William Clark (1880) documents a collection of essays pertaining to how Mazzini felt; Mazzini founded the ‘Young Italy’ movement, since “unity is a necessity in the world” caring for social welfare and the pursuit of “religious, political” stability (p.1). Thinking about distribution of wealth, and how the new economy benefits worker and employer, Mazzini represented a trek down a newly modern road. According to the Journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, in Nations and Nationalism, Rowley (2012) contends Mazzini has never received proper credit as a secular figurehead. In an attempt to correct the historical record, Rowley (2012) suggests that Mazzini’s style of Nationalism “was not an end in itself but a means to an end” (p.39). Colossal demand for European governments to consolidate “national sovereignty” in “both East and West as social democracy” ensued (p. 39). Yet despite this, Professor Rowley thinks Mazzini’s view of Nationalism went unappreciated by scholars. Rowley (2012) assesses “Mazzini did not believe in the nation as a primordial, natural phenomenon but as a social construction imagined by those who would create it” (p. 40). This heralds a stark contrast to the understanding of Nationalism Johann Gottlieb Fichte conceives.
Fichte lived from 1762 to 1814 and was hailed as a German writer and philosopher, according to a reprint of his ‘Addresses to the German Nation’ of 1806 re-published by Editor George A. Kelly. While Mazzini firmly believed in socially crafted kind of Nationalism, which might spring from the will of policy and regulatory statutes, Fichte held an idea of Nationalism as something more organic. Fichte delivered his Thirteenth Address to the German nation. Kelly (1968) reprints Fichte’s claim that “truly natural boundaries of states are beyond doubt their internal boundaries” (p. 1). The Fichte understanding of “internal” meant inside one’s soul. Kelly (1968) also recounts more of Fichte’s speech, with “Those who speak the same language are joined to each other by a multitude of invisible bonds by nature herself” (p. 1). Fichte espouses an indigenous view of Nationalism, in which he anoints the position as it were a birthright wielding a passion of German Nationalism embracing a kind of God-given spiritual unity. This perception by definition would naturally exclude outsiders who did not speak the language, or even bar those who would come linguistically to blend, as understood to be conceived forever as outcasts. It is little wonder that Fichte’s concept of Nationalism preceded a rejection of Jews later. Beyond Fichte’s vision of the kind of spiritual exclusionary rite of passage by birth, Herder held the Romantic vision of the Nationalism experience.
In lock step with Herder’s view of Nationalism, according to Halsall the attitude of the philosophy is seen almost if not purely, as a divine right. One observer comments upon the national political rhetoric of 20th century Germany. Halsall (1998) notes that Herder “held central claims,” which held “a unique claim to be considered a legitimate political basis” (p.1). Halsall (1998) continues to explain that this superseded the importance of any other basis, such as “empire,” or any notion of “theocracy” (p. 1). Herder spoke of, states Halsall (1998) a Nationalism that is “the most natural state” having been preserved “for thousands of years” (p. 1). Herder considers a mixed compilation of different peoples, in a single nation, to be an absurdity. Halsall further describes Herder’s views. Halsall (1998) states “Nothing therefore seems more contradictory to the true end of governments than the endless expansion of states, the wild confusion of races and nations under one scepter” (p. 1). One can see how this set the tone for later political beliefs.
The Nationalism philosophy of Jules Ferry came at an interesting time after the boundaries of the Germanic Confederation seek to firm up its geographical confines, and as seen on the map of European languages. The Cole research team observes the following. Cole et al. (2012) argue that the “Greeks and Serbians revolted against the once powerful Ottoman Empire,” in the region just east of Turkish and Kurdish domains (p.479). At this time Ferry was addressing audiences about his idea of Nationalism (p. 479). One the other side of the ocean, ideas spread in America debating ‘liberalism’ and ‘conservatism.’ One example of the onslaught of political and economic literary works, is demonstrated by Adam Smith in his The Wealth of Nations. This is described in Chapter 20 in the textbook by Cole et al. (2012). Miles-Morillo and Morillo (2014) re-record a speech by Jules Ferry given in 1883, calling him a Father of France and “a freethinker and freemason,” and that “ Ferry was in the political sphere a vehement” person who “opposed any religious involvement in government” (p. 124). In his speech, Ferry said many things. According to Miles-Morillo et al. (2014) Ferry said “In the area of economics, I will allow myself to place before you, with the support of some figures, the considerations with justify a policy of colonial expansion” (p. 124). Mile-Morillo et al. say Ferry actually “felt more and more strongly by the industrial populations of Europe” the European region could change into a “hard working country” (p. 124). The question posing food for thought has been put forth by our instructor as: “How does Ferry reinforce Nationalism through colonialism and at the same time undermine his argument?”
One way Ferry might be viewed as undermining his thoughts of colonialism, in terms of his variety of Nationalism being undermined or contradicted is found in the speech he addresses. He later speaks words which directly contradict his beliefs on advancing colonialism. Ferry seems to feel insulted when audience response challenge his beliefs on the rights of man. According to Miles-Morillo et al. (2014) Ferry states “I repeat that superior races have a right, because they have a duty” (p. 125). He referred to civilizing so-called inferior races. Ferry also argued that nations can be great, only by engaging in activities of development. So it seems a bit odd how Ferry claims all countries’ activities are good for development, but ironically or hypocritically this would exclude nations of people he considers to be inferior. As one can see, Nationalism carries the weight of universal complexities that still fuel the fires of debate today.
Finally, and in conclusion, the Hungarian National Song truly stirs feelings of a common cause among the people in a poetic way. The Austro-Hungarian or Habsburg Empire was uniquely positioned in a sort of funny geographical position, of being sandwiched in between Romania, Slovak, Serb-Croatia located – and just touching – the southerly eastern border of Germany. In a way, they demonstrated a brave cry of freedom to, according to the class handout, ‘reject’ the Habsburg ruler-ship. The French wave of revolt spread. By the early 20th century the situation became clear. However after that period Schulze and Wolf (2012) find that by the end of World War I, “the empire had militarily, politically, and economically collapsed” (p.652). Schulze and Wolf add that “Austria and Hungary were reduced to small landlocked countries” (p. 652). However, the researchers would note that over time a beneficial relationship drawn from “grain markets, we show that overall market integration improved over time” (p. 653). As one may guess, a diverse marketplace can be a very healthy situation for a thriving economy. Even to this day, you can peruse the global handcrafted online shopping venue of Etsy, to buy specialty items from the area, such as gorgeous handwoven blouses.
One thing is certain. Not everyone is going to agree about reasons behind political, economic, and the social reasons behind the foundation of different views on Nationalism. It is not easy to think critical analysis alone will straighten out contentions and opposing opinions.
References
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