Final Essay:
Explain East Asian moral theory and practice.
East Asian moral theory and practice derives heavily from Confucianism, which is a way of thinking that focuses much on several moral aspects. Confucianism in itself possesses key tenets on maintaining a moral life, ensuring propriety at all times, determining behavioral patterns and providing directions in everyday life and in society through a sensible set of guidelines. Thus, it is important to study Confucian moral theory and practice in further understanding societal virtues in East Asia, particularly as it provides communities and society with a set of basic structures, grants adequate orientation to people as they go through life and provide definitions of moral theory and ethics among people therein (Yao 32).
Morality is undisputedly at the center of Confucianism, with Confucian ethics having a strong degree of significance among people in East Asia. With that, it is noteworthy to consider that scholars from the Western world have assumed that Confucianism per se is a kind of moral theory and practice. Yao (32) noted that Western scholars have placed high regard for Confucianism as a “system of ethics” (Needham to Yao 32) that reflects the “code of manner of the Chinese gentry “Zaehner to Yao 32) as it is “a set of behavioral patterns” (Tu et al. to Yao 32). The foregoing passages impress on the importance of viewing Confucianism as a way of thinking that places strong emphasis on morality.
When compared, perhaps, to other existing systems that portray morality, Confucianism embodies several important common features. One example of such a feature involves the evaluation of the overall conduct of a person, which is dichotomized by internalities – motives, intentions, emotions and thoughts, and externalities – actions and other physical manifestations. To wit, Confucianism notes that for one to determine the conduct of a person, it is important to take into consideration the internalities and externalities affecting him – one describable as a deontological and consequentialistic (sic)” manner of evaluation (Yao 32). Confucianism also emphasizes on the importance of having a “sincere heart and a devoted spirit,” both of which are cultivated internally and gradually developed to become more externally apparent.
Family relationships predominate Confucian moral theory and practice. Such is shown in the way Confucianism places high regard on parent-child, elder-younger brother, and husband-wife relationships, with the due consideration of emphasizing on sincerity and spiritual devotedness (Yao 33). Yet, despite such a high regard on kinship relations, it is also important for Confucianism to use such as a “cornerstone of social order and world peace” (Yao 33), which means to say that such actually applies to other forms of societal relations, including those that are politically charged in nature (de Bary & Bloom 116-123). “The Empire would be at peace,” Mencius claimed (to Yao 33), if love for parents and respect for elders prevail not only within the family, but throughout society as well. Humaneness, as explained by Lunyu (to Yao 33), can prevail over society it is ruler “feels proud affection for his parents” (Lunyu to Yao 33).
The foregoing passages help characterize Confucian moral theory and practice as one that has inspired East Asia to place extreme reverence on the observance of virtues. Both Confucius and Mencius, being the main proponents of Confucianism, have successfully established a brand of moral theory and practice that departs heavily from Western moral theory and practice shaped by the likes of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas (Yao 33). Problems in society are typically resolved by Confucianism through associating such with “the lack of virtues and from the lack of will to practice virtues” (Yao 33). Taken in more practical terms, Confucianism bases its persuasive remarks from the assertion that for society to resolve its problems it has to have practice virtues (de Bary & Bloom 116-123; Yao 33).
The foregoing assertions on Confucian moral theory and practice calls for the need to propagate propriety in the form of rules and self-cultivation and education undertaken by people emancipating from their “weakness of will” (Yao 33). Nonetheless, it remains important to take into consideration the fact that there are questions revolving around Confucianism in terms of its definition as a moral system, given that it places high regard on moral theory and practice. To resolve the foregoing, Yao (33) noted the distinction between Confucian morality and Western morality, with the former generally regarded as more expansive than the latter. To simply regard Confucianism as a moral system is “[simply] misleading” (Yao 34), as it takes into account not just moral issues but also area such as education, metaphysics, politics, psychology and religion (Yao 34).
Thus, emphasizing on the above-mentioned considerations on Confucian moral theory and practice, it is noteworthy to focus on the role of kinship relations as the core of Confucianism, as observed throughout East Asia. Characterizing the family in Confucianism is the premise that small kinship groups cultivate cooperation, trust and morality “spontaneously” (POLI 113A), yet the same may transpire only in a fragile manner in large populations. In other words, the importance of family in Confucianism rests on the premise that it serves as a firm foundation within which virtues could be propagated throughout society (Yao 33). Indeed, love for neighbor, in the East Asian context, is cultivated from love for the family, without which the former would not become possible at all.
Expounding on the foregoing, the solution Confucianism proposes to the problem of the fragility of cooperation, trust and morality is to generalize from small kinship groups to large populations by observing the Five Constants, which are otherwise known as the Five Regulations (POLI 113A). The Five Constant Regulations constitute five virtues in Confucianism – humaneness, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and faithfulness. Each of the Five Regulations instill peace and order not only within families, but throughout communities and society as well (Yao 34), as ensconced in the Five Teachings (Yao 212). The Five Teachings comprise of the following: love between father and son, just dealing between prince and subject, distinctions between husband and wife, precedence between the old and young and good faith between friends (Zhu Xi to Yao 212).
A further understanding of the Five Constant Regulations is necessary in order to have a stronger idea of Confucian moral theory and practice propagated in in East Asia. Humaneness is characterized by reciprocity and loyalty, both of which relate to the relationships people have with one another, particularly within the family and throughout communities and society (Yao 213). Righteousness emphasizes on the need to fulfill concrete obligations, characterized by honesty, responsibility, reciprocity and due regard to kinship, community and societal relations (POLI 113A). Ritual propriety focuses on the need to observe respect and civility in kinship, community and societal relations (POLI1 13A). Wisdom is attainable through self-cultivation, judgment and transmission between siblings, who are distinguished by age (POLI 113A). Finally, faithfulness is discernable through behavior and must be a defining factor of friendships (POLI 113A).
Political involvement also characterizes Confucian moral theory and practice, as it is seen as one that can “order and peace to the world,” as Yao (34) has articulated. In that case, the predomination of Confucianism has since made it universal in nature when it comes to defining virtue for “behavior [] ideas [] conduct, thought and relationship. Confucian moral theory and practice, given the foregoing regard, is enshrined within the Three Guiding Principles, which is characterized by the following: guidance by sovereign to ministers, father to son and husband to wife (POLI 113A). The Five Constant Regulations, as discussed earlier, are deemed as unchanging and are therefore good as natural laws, as it prevails as a guide for the rest of the virtues under Confucianism (de Bary & Bloom 325-352; Yao 34).
Understood “as the essence of life and the bonds of society” (Yao 34), the Five Constant Regulations manifest the way in which Confucian moral theory and practice is extended from individuals to communities and society, which in turn touches on politics. In that sense, one could think of the Five Constant Regulations as the basis within which authorities, particularly sovereigns, cite their standards on ascertaining their subjects based on their behavior and thoughts (Yao 34). From there comes the importance of putting high regard on the need to apply virtues existent and active within families to the larger setting of communities and society, subject to their strength, efficacy and legacy (POLI 113A).
Nonetheless, it is also important to view Confucianism alternatively as just an “official state orthodoxy,” meaning that its application has been the norm among states in East Asia (Yao 35). Such is due to the fact that Confucianism has highly influential implications when it comes to fashioning society and politics authoritatively, with virtues being the core basis. The concern Confucius had when it comes to political anomalies has led him to point to virtues as the solution that could provide resolutions thereto, which allowed him to differentiate “between names and reality [] language and action, and [] rights and duties” (Lunyu to Yao 35). In other words, Confucius detailed in the foregoing the tendency of political figures – rulers, subjects, fathers and sons, to abuse their respective authorities granted by the names given to them (POLI 113A).
Political discord is ascertained by Confucius in a manner that requires its restoration. In that sense, Confucian moral theory and practice has focused on the importance of loyalty between rulers, subjects, fathers and sons, otherwise propriety faces impending disintegration. In that way, it is crucial to think about the need for loyalty to be reciprocal between parties. Rulers, in that case, have to appoint subjects based on propriety, who in turn have to prove and exhibit loyalty at all times (Yao 35). Such has especially found due application in authoritarian regimes in East Asia, albeit done in order to make sure that administration is done properly. Given that, Confucian moral theory and practice stood out in East Asia as an “official state orthodoxy,” as held by Yao (35).
Confucian moral theory and practice as an “official state orthodoxy” (Yao 35) emphasized the need for “every affair [to] be in accordance with what was required from [every person]” (Yao 35). Such, in turn, leads to the characterization of East Asian bureaucracy by teachings of Confucianism. State officials, in that regard, were deemed qualified on the basis of their knowledge and practice of Confucian classics and virtues – a norm that has since been apparent in civil service examinations throughout East Asian nations. Nonetheless, the Confucian Way is not restricted to those who have taken the civil service examinations – those who are Confucian scholars can proceed with fulfilling duties that form part of expectations towards them whether or not they take office as civil servants (Yao 36).
There is an understanding, however, that the greatest achievement of Confucian scholars is to become civil servants – a fact that attests to the extremely stringent requirements of civil service examinations in East Asian nations (Yao 36). Such is perfectly illustrated in the following proverb: “All other careers are inferior, while only [Confucian learning is superior]” (Anonymous to Yao 36). In such a case, however, it has become apparent that Confucianism turned out to be more of a mechanism that ensures elitism through qualification in civil service than a “resourceful doctrine.” The nature of Confucian moral theory and practice as an “official state orthodoxy” (Yao 35) turned out to be a matter of prestige throughout time, given its inclusion as an integral requirement of entering civil service in East Asian nations (POLI 113A; Yao 36).
Yao (36), however, raised a particularly interesting question on Confucian moral theory and practice: “What kind of function did the state orthodoxy exert on the life of the people?” Given that Confucianism, in that respect, turned out to be more than “a life-style, an attitude of mind, a type of character formation, and a spiritual ideal that eluded precise definition” (de Bary to Yao 36), the importance of raising the four Neo-Confucian orthodoxies (educational, bureaucratic, philosophical and liberal) came into play. Historically, Confucianism transpired as more than just a “resourceful doctrine,” as Yao (35) has remarked. Thus brings to light the need to know more about Confucianism prior to its transpiration as an “official state orthodoxy” (Yao 35).
Confucianism was not deemed as an “official state orthodoxy” (Yao 35) all throughout, as its dominance was never permanent in nature (Yao 37). In fact, Confucianism was subject to several scathing attacks against its legitimacy as a moral theory and practice. During the lifetime of Confucius, Confucian moral theory and practice never reached orthodox heights, not least because of the fact that warfare was heavily in place even beyond the years of his death. Nonetheless, Confucianism became an orthodox moral theory and practice during the Later Han Dynasty, after which it gained limited influence as it faced competition from rival moral theories and practices promoted by Buddhism and Daoism (Yao 27). Today, one could not claim that Confucianism remains an “official state orthodoxy” (Yao 35), as its critics from both the liberal and Communist sides have come in full circle to criticize it scathingly (Yao 37).
Given the foregoing, it is important to emphasize that Confucianism therefore does not hold an orthodox position as a moral theory and practice throughout East Asia. One would therefore be led to think that Confucianism might actually just be a moral theory and practice that is controlled by a prominent section of the elite in society. A closer emphasis on the foregoing concern reveals that Confucianism is observed by both the so-called masters in philosophy and those from the ordinary ranks of society. Philosophers who have pursued the Confucian Way became civil servants and have secured prominent positions in societies through their mastery of Confucianism. The academic nature of Confucianism has since developed in that regard, with the Confucian classics and works of previous masters having been the focus of philosophers therein (Yao 37). On the other hand, it is also noteworthy to consider that Confucianism was observed by ordinary people as well, who did not necessarily purse the Confucian Way but were nonetheless critical of Confucian moral theory and practice through their liberal attitudes in thought production and acquisition of knowledge via private education, with many of them having combined Confucianism with Daoism and Buddhism (Yao 38).
Works Cited
De Bary, Theodore, Irene Bloom. Sources of Chinese Tradition (Vol. 1: From Earliest Times to 1600). New York City, NY: Columbia University Press, 1999. Print.
"Lecture: 3 December, 2014." POLI 113A. 3 December 2014. Lecture.
Yao, Xinzhong. Introduction to Confucianism. New York City, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Print.
