Introduction and Thesis
A reflection on various countries all around the world depicts the persistent emergence of revolts against the ruling government (s). In the year 2011, the world woke up to the news that a major revolution was developing in Egypt. Often connoted as the “Arab Spring,” the revolution was characterized by the polarization of the Egyptians who had developed a negative notion against the government. The Egyptians perceived their government as corrupt, tyrannical, and oppressive. As a result, a significant portion of the Egyptians occupied the Tahrir Square in Cairo protesting against the ruling regime. In the beginning, only thousands Egyptians occupied the square but later the square was filled with tens of thousands to millions of people. The protests at Tahrir Square were attended by people from different walks of life; the poor and the elites, Muslims and Christians. The protests did not achieve its purpose, but it portrayed an array of issues aligned with conflicts in Egypt. In a nutshell, revolution is still rife in Egypt and the country is marred with conflicts caused by various factors, which will be discussed in the paper.
Causes of the Uprising
While much has been hypothesized regarding the dynamics that elicited the occurrence of the uprising, it is of the essence to point out that there are certain specific factors that were the major cause of the uprising. More importantly, a significant portion of the Egyptians were impoverished and lived in dissolute states. Notable is the fact that the political and socio-economic conditions in Egypt had deteriorated rapidly as a result of high corruption in the government (Fahmy, 2012). As a result, resources were unequally distributed amongst the wealthy and the poor. Apart from the huge disparity between the wealthy and the poor, the Egyptian government withdrew its provision of critical services in the education and health (Fahmy 2012). This exacerbated the situation; hence, prompting revolt from the Egyptians. Police brutality is the other factor that contributed to the uprising. The police were accorded excess powers, which were not monitored and they misused them by mistreating the populations. In a nutshell, the Egyptian government engaged in an array of unethical practices, which made the Egyptians lose their sense of self-worth. The grievances of the Egyptians meant that if they did not act, they would remain in dissolute state; hence, the only course of action that could help them was an uprising.
Occupation of Tahrir Square and Opposition Faced
As previously connoted herein, police brutality was one of the grievances of the Egyptian people. As a result, occupation of Tahrir Square and other public squares in Egypt was initiated at a specific date when the Egyptian police were supposed to be commemorating the Egyptian National Police Day (Ismail, 2012). The protests were solely intended to disrupt police celebrations of the event. Apart from the protests at the public squares, police stations and detention centers across Egypt were attacked by the protesters. Precisely, close to 99 Egyptian police stations were demolished and detention centers attacked, which led to the freeing of the detainees. In a nutshell, the protests aimed at the police, which was perceived as a significant arm of the government. For this reason, attack of the police was meant to ridicule the government for its failures. Conclusively, the Egyptians viewed the police as government accomplices in instigating corruption, which elicited a breakdown of morality in the society (Ismail, 2012). In response to the protests, the government used the police to quell the protests whereby there was a point where a low flying police aircraft passed through the square. In addition, the government sent its supporters to the square where they clashed with the protesters. In response, the protesters continued marshalling support from pro-democracy supporters who continued to march to the square on a daily basis. The sole intent of the protests was to force the government to adopt more democratic policies as opposed to dictatorship that was evident by police violence.
Military Response
A reflection on various revolutions that have occurred all around the world portray the fact that the military often takes charge of the government. Precisely, revolutions often prompt the need for military-led transitions as a means of allowing the affected country to normalize its operations (Said, 2012). This was also the case in the Egyptian revolution whereby the military had to take charge of the country. However, paradox surrounds the manner in which the Egyptian military responded to the revolution. This is because there were times when the military supported the protesters, but at certain times the military supported the government. At the initial stages of the protests, the military was in support of the government. However, unlike the police, the military did was not comprehensively involved in quelling the protesters. The military shifted its support to the protesters after a few days of protests, whereby a number of military personnel expressed their support for the protesters. In fact, the military personnel including Major Shoman Ahmed called for the resignation of the president and the defense minister (Said, 2012). Military support for the protesters was occasioned by various factors including the fact that the Egyptian military had close ties with the American military, which was advocating for democracy that was being championed for by the protesters. Overall, the United States quest for democracy in Egypt influenced the military decision not to use violence against the protesters. With time, the protesters became skeptical of the military involvement. Details emerged that the military was supporting the police in fighting the protesters. In retaliation, the protesters destroyed military machineries, which prompted the military to use force against the protesters. As a result, the military shifted its support to the government. Conclusively, the Egyptian military shifted its support for and against the government and protesters because of the intense pressure it received from both sides. The transition period in Egypt that was overseen by the Egyptian military was characterized by the constant change of dynamics and tact.
Revolution outside Cairo
Despite Cairo being the center of the Egyptian revolution, protests were also held across various Egyptian contexts. According to Amar & Prashad (2013), various community-based organizations in smaller Egyptian towns and villages waged revolts against the government. In Alexandria people and community organizations demolished police stations. Prisons and detention centers were not spared as they were emptied and prisoners freed. In a nutshell, there were concerted efforts across various contexts in Egypt, which were solely aimed at overthrowing the government. There was a pertinent notion within the rural Egypt that independent governance would free the populations from their dissolute living states. Examples of places outside Cairo where revolutions were eminent include the Sinai Peninsula and Suez Canal (Amar & Prashad, 2013).
The Overthrow of Mubarak
Eighteen days of revolt yielded result for the protesters as Mubarak submitted to the voice of the protests through a resignation. The resignation was formally announced by Mubarak’s vice president Suleiman who then entrusted the leadership of Egypt to the Egyptian Military. Prior the overthrow, Mubarak had attempted to use diplomatic means to quell protests by entrusting the vice president with power a decision that was opposed by the opposition leaders and the protesters. The eventual resignation of Mubarak marked his acceptance of the religious hypocrisy, institutional paralysis, police atrocities, and crony capitalism propelled by his regime (Amar & Prashad, 2013). The ouster of Mubarak was received with jubilation all around Egypt. The ouster offered a glimpse of hope for Egyptians who had been subjected to dissolute states of living by Mubarak’s 30 year rule. After taking control of Egypt, the military yielded to the demands of the protesters on the need to suspend the Egyptian constitution and dissolve the Egyptian parliament.
The Military Junta
Under the rule of the Egyptian Military, protests subsided. However, the protesters continued their calls for reforms. As a result, the Egyptian Military decreed that it would control the country for close to six months up to a time when the elections were carried out. Despite the fact that the Supreme Council of the Egyptian Military declared its six month tenure, the protesters demanded that the council provide a clear timeline of events. Therefore, the council was prompted to provide details and specific deadlines and timetables. The protesters were pleased and they cleaned the Tahrir Square, but they vowed to continue with the protests incase their demands were not met. Under the rule of the Supreme Council, a constitutional referendum was scheduled and situation normalized. However, protests later emerged as demonstrators raided security buildings in search for evidence against atrocities committed by the Mubarak’s regime, especially the State Security Intelligence (Gebaly, 2012). The Supreme Council did not reform the government, but continued with the authoritarian rule that was evident in the previous government. As an example, the council through its Cabinet approved a law that criminalized strikes and protests. This prompted more revolts as protesters merged again in Tahrir Square and other public arenas. An election was eventually held whereby Morsi became the first Egyptian president to be elected democratically (Abu-Lughod & El-Mahdi, 2011).
Rise of Muslim Brotherhood and Morsi’s Presidency
Morsi’s ascendance to presidency was a remarkable triumph of the Muslim Brotherhood. This is because, Morsi was the candidate put forth by the Muslim Brotherhood. After taking over the presidency, Morsi imposed measures that were aimed at protecting revolution advocated for by the Muslim Brotherhood. Protection of the revolution was not approved by secular and liberal groups (Gelvin, 2015). This situation prompted the emergence of protests as protesters demanded the reversal of measures put in place by Morsi to protect revolution. Apart from the protests, certain groups attempted to collect signatures petitioning an early election. One year into power, several Egyptians protested demanding Morsi’s resignation. Morsi was soon overthrown and Adly Mansour appointed the acting president.
Current State of Nationalist Movements in Egypt
A reflection on contemporary Egyptian society depicts the existence of various struggles. Egyptians continue to struggle for democracy. Self-rule remains a pertinent factor that has become elusive for the Egyptians (Amar & Prashad, 2013). Apart from the quest for self-rule, there are certain rights that Egyptians seek to attain. Women’s rights remain a pertinent factor forged by Egyptians of all walks of life. However, religious and cultural factor remain a major hindrance to the attainment of this right. Government brutality is another moral dilemma that Egyptians seek to resolve. The government police have and continue to remain brutal against the populations. Overall, the contemporary Egyptian context is characterized by the existence of nationalist movements advocating the rights of Egyptian citizens.
Conclusion
References
Abu-Lughod, L., & El-Mahdi, R. (2011). Beyond the “Woman Question” in the Egyptian
Revolution. Feminist Studies, 37(3), 683–691. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/23069928
Amar, P., & Prashad, V. (Eds.). (2013). Dispatches from the Arab Spring: Understanding the
New Middle East. Retrieved from the ebrary database.
Fahmy, H. (2012). An Initial Perspective on "The Winter of Discontent": The Root Causes of
The Egyptian Revolution. Social Research, 79(2), 349–376. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/23350069
Gebaly, T. E., ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﻟﻲ, . ﺗﻬﺎﻧﻲ ., Farid, S., & فريد, . سونيا .. (2012). Constitutional Principles:
Documents on Post-Revolution Egypt / المبادئ الدستورية: وثاﺋﻖ مصر ما بعد
الثورة. Alif: Journal of Comparative Poetics, (32), 228–253. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41850746
Gelvin, J. L. (2015). The modern Middle East: A history (4th Ed.). New York, NY: Oxford
Ismail, S. (2012). The Egyptian Revolution against the Police. Social Research, 79(2), 435–462.
Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23350072
Said, A. (2012). The Paradox of Transition to "Democracy" under Military Rule. Social
Research, 79(2), 397–434. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23350071