Introduction
It is difficult to determine exactly what percentage of Toronto’s homeless youth are part of the gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (LGBTQ) community. However, nearly all estimates state that this number is quite significant (Abramovitch, 2012). Because of the very nature of this community, it can be difficult to study: young people who are living on the streets are often very wary of any and all authority figures. Many of these young people who are under the age of majority are fearful that they will be returned to their parents or their guardians if they are discovered by anyone with any significant authority (Gaetz, 2004; Van Leeuwen et al., 2006). Between the necessary transitory nature of this group and the inherent fear that these young people have of authority, studying the group is difficult.
Power Structures and Homeless LGBT Youth
Homeless youth are, by their nature, reclusive; as previously stated, studying this group is exceptionally difficult, even for researchers whose interest is primarily academic. Research into these groups is approximate at best; the best that most researchers can hope for is a brief insight into the many different issues that are facing homeless youth in cities like Toronto. The existing power structures ensure that the youth who are homeless avoid people in positions of authority, and the current power structures also ensure that homeless youth fail to recover from instances of homelessness. Homeless youth are less likely to receive higher education, and are more likely to suffer mental and emotional illness and distress as a result of their experiences (Gaetz, 2004; Van Leeuwen et al., 2006; Tyler et al., 2004; Abramovich, 2012).
The overarching goal for this research is to determine the geopolitical and social structures that have led to such a significant population of LGBTQ youth experiencing homelessness. This understanding is of paramount importance if the city is to enact any policies to combat these high levels of homelessness within the LGBTQ youth population. Because this population is known to be particularly vulnerable, the research will be conducted, structures analyzed, and then recommendations made regarding the appropriate forward movement.
The Effects of Homelessness
Homelessness can affect individuals of all different backgrounds and for a plethora of different reasons, and homeless individuals in Toronto are no exception to this rule. However, it is important to note that youth who identify as sexual minorities are much more likely to experience homelessness— even for short time periods— than children and youths who do not self-identify as part of a sexual minority group (Van Leeuwen et al., 2006; Tyler et al., 2004; Abramovich, 2012; Dunne, Prendergast, & Telford, 2002; Kidd, 2007). Gaetz (2004) analyzes youth homelessness in Canadian urban centers, focusing on the homelessness epidemic that seems endemic in the youth population as a whole. There are numerous demographic factors that seem to really exacerbate the likelihood of youth and adolescent homelessness; factors like sexual orientation, gender, ethnic group, age, and hometown are all compounding factors for homelessness (Gaetz, 2004). Culture and cultural power play a formative role in the development of of the problems faced by LGBT youth in Canadian urban centers as a whole— including places like Toronto (Gaetz, 2004).
Struggles and Services for Homeless Youth
It is important to understand that there are very real struggles for homeless youth of all types, but that certain individuals— particularly those belonging to certain demographic groups— are more at risk than others. Abramovich (2012) notes that aboriginal LGBT youth are even more at risk because of their sexual and ethnic identity. Abramovich (2012) writes that street life is very dangerous and harmful to young people, particularly because there are so many threats that young people might not foresee. Street life is associated with a number of challenges even for adults, and there are physical, emotional, and mental health threats that can have serious detrimental effects for street youth. For instance, young people who live on the street are more than 10 times more likely to have or contract sexually transmitted diseases than other individuals in their same age bracket (Abramovich, 2012). In addition to being at risk for sexually transmitted infections and abuse, they are also less likely to receive the appropriate education. Lack of education can lead to long-term problems associated with employment opportunities; sometimes LGBT youth who experience homelessness often become engaged in sex work, which Abramovich (2012) describes as both illegal and semi-legal, depending on the type of work that the individual is engaging in (Abramovich, 2012).
Abramovich (2012) suggests that in the homeless youth population of North America as a whole, LGBTQ individuals are by far overrepresented—this means that there are many more homeless youth who identify as sexual minorities than those who do not. The reasons for this, according to Abramovich, are primarily lack of familial support; that is, when many of these young people announce their sexuality to their family systems, tension and conflict is created, and sometimes these young people flee their living situations out of fear (Abramovich 2012). The urban center in Toronto does not have the appropriate facilities to meet the needs of this unique population, especially given the fact that LGBTQ youth who are homeless are much more likely to experience violence, sexual assault, and substance abuse problems. Abramovich (2012) suggests that the whole shelter system should be better educated on the importance of providing safe spaces for LGBTQ youth, and protecting these individuals from violence within the shelter system.
Abramovich (2012) suggests that more services should be directed at the young people who self-identify as part of the LGBT community, and particularly those who are more at risk for homelessness. There are homeless individuals who were certainly at risk for homelessness before they became homeless, and there should be services made available to these individuals to offset the problem before it becomes a critical issue for the child or adolescent (Abramovich, 2012; Dunne, Prendergast, & Telford, 2002; Kidd, 2007). Toronto city personnel— particularly those working with groups that are at risk— need to be more aware of the issues associated with adolescents with minority sexual identities. Shelter workers also have to be more well-educated and well trained regarding the issues facing these adolescents (Abramovich, 2012).
Shelters are supposed to provide individuals with the support they need when they are struggling the most; LGBT youth are often experiencing significant struggles, and they have no alternative to a shelter. However, even within a shelter, LGBT youth can experience serious problems with abuse in many different forms, including physical and sexual abuse (Abramovich, 2012). These problems can be compounded by mental and psychological struggles, both on the part of the adolescents themselves and other shelter residents; when shelter staff are more educated about the struggles that LGBT youth face, they are more likely to be able to address issues within the shelter before they develop (Abramovich, 2012; Tyler et al., 2004). Unfortunately, as with many populations that are at risk for homelessness, there are other compounding factors for individuals who are associated with the LGBTQ community. Homelessness in youth populations of all types is a worrisome thing—particularly because of the long term effects that are associated with drug and substance abuse and other problems closely associated with homelessness.
Protections for Homeless Youth
Without careful consideration regarding the appropriate fail safes for youth present in homeless shelters, it is likely that LGBT youth will continue to avoid these shelters (Abramovich, 2012; Dunne, Prendergast, & Telford, 2002; Kidd, 2007). In fact, Dunne, Prendergast and Telford (2002) note that homeless youth that identify as part of a sexual minority group become almost invisible because of their general avoidance of the shelter system. Some fear the interference of law enforcement— particularly if and when they have been identified as runaways— because they fear being sent home to an abusive situation (Dunne, Prendergast, & Telford, 2002; Kidd, 2007; O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011). Many adolescents who identify as part of the LBGT community experience less abuse on the street than they do in their home situations, particularly when they are migrating to the cities from outside (Kidd, 2007; Abramovich, 2012).
Gaetz (2004) suggests that there are a number of pathways into homelessness, particularly for youth that are already at risk of homelessness, but there are fewer paths out—and that the longer an individual remains homeless, the more likely it is that the homelessness will persist past the individual’s youth (Gaetz, 2004). Affordable housing, health and mental health services, and substance abuse prevention structures are all fundamentally important for combating homelessness, according to Gaetz (2004)—however, early recognition and intervention is particularly important for young people who are identified as being likely candidates for homelessness or at high risk of homelessness due to their current situation (Gaetz, 2004).
Potential Solutions
There are many layers of complication when it comes to the power structure of urban homelessness, and one of the growing issues in Ontario cities is the criminalization of homelessness (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011). Under the guise of attempting to make streets safer, many cities in Ontario have been essentially criminalizing homelessness, particularly in youth populations; this has had the effect of pushing youth homelessness further underground and making homeless youth of all types wary of the police as a whole (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011). The power structure is completely biased in favor of the authorities, and the population that these authorities are interacting with is very vulnerable; the more aggressively authorities try to keep these individuals from existing in public spaces, the more fear is instilled in homeless youth populations of authority figures (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011). In fact, authority figures should be the ones trying to alleviate the problem of homelessness rather than making it worse (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011).
O’Grady, Gaetz, and Buccieri (2011) demonstrate that public funds are not being allocated appropriately to offset the problem of youth homelessness in Toronto— in fact, the funds that are allocated for prevention of homelessness, affordable housing, and other assistance-based services are sub-par in nearly every way (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011). O’Grady, Gaetz and Buccieri (2011) write that policing practices are fundamentally predicated on citizen trust. When citizens do not trust police, they do not notify them of crimes, and thus, distrust of police and crime often go hand in hand. Youths who live on the streets are more likely to experience mistrust and distrust of the legal system and law enforcement as a whole (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011). Rather than supporting these at-risk groups, the research suggests that the overall trend is towards the criminalization of homelessness (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011). The criminalization of homelessness is something of a trend in both Canada and the United States, and it is a particularly worrying trend for LGBT youth: rather than being able to rely on public officials for support, LGBT youth and other homeless youth are experiencing more fear regarding their experiences with law enforcement (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011; Tyler et al., 2004).
Discussion and Conclusions
Unfortunately, victimization and exploitation of LGBT youth— particularly homeless youth— is exceptionally common. There are few services designed to help young people who are in need, because most of the services for youth are designed for the reunification of families (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011). For youth who experience violence in the home as a result of their sexual identities, however, the reunification of the individual with the family is not desirable: it is something that these individuals actively try to avoid. When law enforcement and other service-providing groups focus heavily on family reunification, it can actually detrimentally influence an individual’s perception of services and their willingness to engage with services (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011; Tyler et al., 2004).
Current city power structures essentially ensure that homeless youth are required to avoid people in positions of authority. There are few benefits for homeless youth— particularly those in vulnerable groups like individuals who identify as sexual minorities— to engage with the current power structure (O’Grady, Gaetz, & Buccieri, 2011; Tyler et al., 2004). Instead, the power structures in the city encourage these individuals to fly below the radar, so to speak, and to engage in subcultures. Subcultures can be very supportive for youths, but they can also be quite destructive if they foster sexual, physical, or emotional abuse— as is common for LGBT youth experiencing homelessness in Canadian cities. Toronto is not necessarily unique in its problem of youth homelessness, but there are significant struggles that the city as a whole is facing.
References
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Dunne, G. A., Prendergast, S., & Telford, D. (2002). Young, gay, homeless and invisible: a growing population?. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 4(1), 103-115.
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