An Argument on the Contradiction of
French Views of Assimilation and Association
After the French Revolution, the intention of equality among its citizens extended to the French colonial West African native population in theory looked at Senegal (as today) relating to the assortment of people as racially mixed, at times combined "into multiple combinations It is a veritable kaleidoscope of races, that complicate the admixtures by our civilization" (Sarraut 100). This fact framed the racist inherent view of the French colonial toward the native West African based on a scientific ideology of white supremacy of the species of man (Betts 1966). The historical dialogue of French colonial leaders' concepts about the idea of equality connected to native West Africans as an inferior race presented here, thus proves their actions for granting equality as locked in contradiction. The following academic argument centers on the contradictory position of the French colonial leaders' purported attempt at assimilation and association of the native West African as an equal to the French looks at their inherent lack of understanding of the dynamics of the plurality of West African cultures second only to their true belief of the native African as an inferior human being incapable of equality with the white man..
The following establishes the contradiction aspects of this argument, as fundamental views of French colonial leaders toward the elite assimilated West African native and sets the momentum for the argument presented:
These enlightened representatives, who are among the native population, are there due to our teaching which is needed to train them and multiply their numbers. We have, in a word, indicated a higher role to be the assigned to them as a local consultative assembly, or, gradually, our policy of associations calls for them to deliberate on their collective interests. It is a particular feature of the French colonial doctrine because it shows that the largely humane character of this doctrine is not limited to an expression of sentimentality, it leans heavily on an idea of justice and rights" (Sarraut 99-100). [Sic]
Moving from this ideological and ineffective intention, next comes a more accurate representation in general from the French colonial Governor General of Senegal as he opined, his view in December of 1917 regarding the reactions of the multi-cultural African populace toward the rights "granted to individuals, particularly to women and to young people, [who began] challenging with impunity conjugal and paternal authority, ageless foundations of the African family" (as translated and quoted by Conklin 65). This epiphany of the Governor General only revealed further his ignorance as he subsequently adds, "I do not criticize these measures, [] only assert that these reforms have profoundly troubled the natives who [] observe that the rigorous hierarchy of yesterday has been replaced [today] by a well-intentioned but emasculated one" (as translated and quoted by Conklin 65).
Herein, lay the argument of the situation caused by the French colonials' inherent view of the African native (no matter the culture or race) as inferior regardless French documents granting the "intentions" of equality proffered the Senegalese native African population. "The French themselves never seemed to believe in their own policy of assimilation for fear that France might become 'a colony of her own colonies,' in the words of National Assembly speaker Edouard Herriot (as quoted in Crowder, Colonial West Africa, 285 cited by Englebert 41).
In truth, conservatives, Catholics, as well as those of the monarchist French tradition never accepted any discussion let alone moves, to set guarantees of political rights as equals for the native African Senegalese. Prior to 1945, depending on whom dominated control of the French constitution – Republicans recognized the Senegalese native African (elitist group) vote, when the Monarchists ruled they rescinded the right of voting (2011).
At the turn of the 20th century as today, the population of Senegal contained different tribal affiliations as well as Muslims. Within this context, there existed strong patriarchal ruling bodies second only to the imperialistic French authority. Explanation of the true French belief about the equality of the West African cultural and even racial plurality with the French colonial contradicted their claims to assimilate and associate. "The French concepts of assimilation and association had successfully permeated the minds of the colonized African deputies, for the most part, truly believed in the notion of an eventual multinational French Union in which Africans would be equal French citizens" (Englebert 35). In fact, this comparatively small elite faction of native West Africans holding this belief of equality with their masters, only prolonged the mythical model for equality they held dear.
At the same time, the historical archives of French West Africa explain the attempt at implementing a type of "protectorate" with the intention and expectation of safeguarding the colonial states' French and native African inhabitants along with assigning major duties to the native African leaderships. To the irritation of the French, colonial leaders any consideration of making any type of native African coalition or otherwise was beyond reasoning.
As one colonial describes:
Lugard describes how the charitable ideas of the French Revolution meant to practice complete assimilation thus, granting native West Africans the right of citizenship quickly fell to the overall reality of such an idea as nonsense. The French colonial rulers, and subsequently France, had to come to accept the certainty their best philosophical intentions must stand up to the capability of those purposes. France was incapable of following through at the turn of the 20th century rule in anything near to granting equality to the native West African (1922; Roberts 1929).
In review of the literature presented in this academic, exercise thus far, the argument how the French colonials contradict themselves about granting equality to the West African native (the elitist) establishes their ineffectual intention and shows three main examples. First, equality was always, and only intended for an elitist group of assimilated native West Africans at best, granting this power dependent on who ruled the constitution in France, and that fundamentally the French imperialist continued embracing an incorrect scientific belief that whites are superior to all non-white people.
Further evidence of the combination of these underpinnings of the contradiction of granting equality to the native West African reveals the French colonial actual policy remained embedded in the neglect of any native interest for development. Other earlier French colonial experiences carried to the West African colonial policies connected to the rash act of the emancipation of African slaves of the French colonial sugar-colony holdings. This failure, consequently, meant discrediting any future idea of enacting any colonial native policy for ensuring equality with the French imperialist master (Benton 2002).
Even among the well-trained elitist native West African geared for assimilation were always only intended for serving the purposes of the French colonial master, thus, they gaining citizenship remained riddled, with difficulties as already described. The French view of most of the conquered natives including those of West Africa stayed in a vacuum as a "subject". The only reason the French ever looked at the varieties of indigenous existing laws remained framed in their overt intention codifying it for regulating and therefore, firmly establishing their "subordinates" place as ruled by the dominant white race (Benton 2002).
Other activities connected to this type of veering one way and another on the issue reveals the division among French officials concerning the inclusion of the colonial native elites in French jurisdiction courts. In time, this conflict of policy marked changes when reforms favored more inclusiveness and thus allowed occasional assimilation of the elitists. At the same time, due to the question of nationality marking the division of jurisdiction between the French colonial and the native West African elitist-run court, the onset of conflicts marking the separation of the two based upon African and French cultural distinctions prevailed. To no end, the assumption also held there existed, no chance of ever bridging the two cultural distinctions (Benton 2002).
These declarations granting equality continued until they were institutionalized legal order dogma along with the debates about association and assimilation characterizing French colonial policy until West African independence. The French separation of African and French law stood as a permeable boundary only rarely crossed due to some circumstance befitting the need of the French yet, limiting equitable legal powers of the native West African nonetheless (Benton 2002).
The legal and political standing of the native West African always existed as appendages of the French state authority. Any allusion that true autonomy held any equal power for the native (elitist) West African remained elusive for all practical purposes. As presented in the context of the historical record of the intentions of the French imperialist colonial under orders of the power structure regulating French colonies, Radest explains held to the ideology of equality aligned to the precepts of the French Revolution connected to the French understanding of humanism as posited by the era called the Enlightenment (1996). It was a grand idea, debated, and as explained through the literature presented here, nothing but an idea.
In conclusion, as postulated in the argumentative thesis centered on the contradictory position of the French colonial leaders' purported attempt at assimilation and association of the native West African extending them equality with the French revealing the inherent lack of understanding of the dynamics of the plurality of cultures as second only to their true belief of the native African as an inferior human being incapable of equality to the white man. All examples of this contradiction during the 150-year colonial rule of West Africa as provided in this academic argument shows the truth behind the French gesture of any type of political and judicial equality for the West African (elitist) native to the French imperialist colonial only occurred because it dutifully provided some kind of benefit to the French.
Works Cited
Angoulvant, Governor-General G.L. General Instructions to the Civilian Administrators, November 26, 1907 in William Worger, Nancy L Clark, and Edward Alpers eds., Africa and the West: A Documentary History, Vol 2: From Colonialism to Independence, 1875 to the Present, (Oxford: OUP) 2010, 28-9 Print
Benton, Lauren. Law and Colonial Cultures: Legal Regimes in World History, 1400-1900. Cambridge, England: Cambridge UP, 2002. Print
Betts, Raymond F. Assimilationism and Associationism in French Colonial Theory, 1890-1914, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), 81 Print
Conklin, Alice. 'Democracy' Rediscovered: Civilization through Association in French West Africa (1914-1930) (La démocratie redécouverte: l'avènement de l'"association" en AOF, 1914-1930), Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 37,145, (1997) 65, 72. Print
Englebert, Pierre. Burkina Faso: Unsteady Statehood in West Africa. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1996. Print
Goree. (Printer) West Africa French, Circular m. the Governor-general Brévié on Politics and Native French Administration in West Africa. 1935. 7-8 Print
Mills, Wallace G. French Approaches in Colonial Policy. St, Mary’s University: http://husky1.smu.ca/~wmills/ 2011 Web
Radest, Howard B. Humanism with a Human Face: Intimacy and the Enlightenment. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996. Print
Roberts, Stephen H. The History of French Colonial Policy (1870-1925). London: P. S. King & Son, 1929. Print.
Sarraut, Albert. La Mise en Valeur des Colonies Française, (Paris : Payot, 1923) 99-100. Print
