1. Introduction
The PKK has been added to the US list of terrorist organizations in 1997 and in the EU list of terrorist organizations in 2004 (Marcus vii). It is apparent that the PKK is considered a threat to global peace and security. Addressing a terrorist threat involves not only responding to attacks and neutralizing leaders, but also considering the emergence and motivations of a group deemed as a terrorist organization. To gain a deeper understanding of a terrorist organization for the purpose of adopting an effective and appropriate long-term response, the historical lens will be used to learn about the beginning of PKK as an organization and the political science lens will be used to understand the development of the political identity and roles assumed by this organization.
2. Historical Lens
PKK was established in response to opportunities created by previous failed rebellions and shifts in government. The rebellion in 1925 constituted the earliest widely-supported movement for independence by the Kurds. It was supported by two Kurdish opposition groups that received support from a large area of the Kurdistan region. Turkish forces suppressed the rebellion. To prevent further movements for independence, the government promoted nationalism in the region by restricting the use of the Kurdish language in schools and churches. Military raids were also employed to suppress suspected opposition activities. (Klein 85) Between 1925 and 1938, a series of Kurdish uprisings occurred, which were smaller in scale than the 1925 rebellion. None of these uprisings led to the successful cessation of Kurdistan from the Turkish Republic. In 1960, the Turkish military staged a coup d’état against the government. This led to a government that implemented more liberal economic and political policies. A strong possibility for elections created the opportunity for Kurdish representation in government. Kurdish independence did not form part of new government’s policy. In 1965, the first underground Kurdish political party was formed. In 1971, a military coup d’état occurred again that led to the abandonment of liberal policies. Many of the Kurdish opposition groups were disbanded. (Schoon 271-2) In their weakened state, the opposition found strength in socialism.
In 1970, Abdullah Ocalan a member of the Kurdish opposition, was first introduced to socialism. In 1972, he was arrested during a protest and sent to Mamak Military Prison in Ankara, where he met other leftist activists. (Marcus 4) In 1973, the first election was held, which provided the Kurdish opposition with the opportunity to engage in political representation. In 1977, Ocalan sought support from other leaders and members of the opposition for the formation of a Kurdish political party. In 1978, the PKK was formed through the consensus of 20 individuals who met in the Diyarbakir Province in Southeastern Turkey. (Ciftci and Kula 27-8)
3. Political Science Lens
During the 1980s, the PKK adhered to socialism and sought independence from Turkey.
The major aim of the PKK is to hinder the integration of the Southeast Anatolia Region or Kurdistan to the rest of the country. Since 1984, revolutionary movement led to armed struggle with the Turkish government. Violent conflict between the two sides has resulted to more than 30,000 deaths and $300 billion dollars of local and foreign funds to stop the fighting. Neither side succeeded. The Turkish government failed to neutralize the PKK. The PKK failed to achieve independence for Kurdistan. Bid for entry into the EU by Turkey in the late 1980s paved the way for the PKK’s acceptance of democracy. EU membership required democratic reforms, on the part of the Turkish government, which covered Kurdistan. PKK recognized the opportunity for party representation to increase pressures for democratic reforms to ensure the rights of and benefits for the Kurdish people. (Ciftci and Kula 27-8)
During the 1990s, the PKK accepted democracy and called for autonomy for Kurdistan. It renounced the objective of secession. In 1999, when Ocalan was captured for treason, he called for the withdrawal of militant activities from Turkey. He reiterated the group’s objective of autonomy and asserted the PKK’s intention to reinvent itself to become a legitimate organization representing the Kurdish people’s call for democratic reforms in the region. Ocalan was confident that the Turkish government would honor the democratic rights of the Kurdish people and make reforms for the betterment of Kurdish communities as part of the requirements of the EU in accepting Turkey as a member state. The PKK also sought to establish the organization as a legitimate representative of the Kurdish people in international relations. The government of Turkey did comply with the democratic reforms required by the EU, including the establishment of stronger powers for elected officials relative to the military, expansion of the protection of civil liberties and political rights, and removal of restrictions on the free expression of ethnic identity. (Tezcur 775) While Turkey has yet to become an official member of the EU, democratic reforms helped in facilitating a cease fire (Efigil 53).
Consolidation as a political party representing the Kurds in Turkey led to ties with other Kurdish and non-Kurdish militant and non-militant groups in Iraq, Syria, and Iran. Some of these groups were previously added to the US and EU lists of terrorist groups. Negotiations with the Turkish government became difficult, especially since the US and EU also added PKK to their list of terrorist groups. As a US and EU ally, Turkey was constrained from negotiating with terrorist groups. A series of armed resistance and cease fire occurred between the Turkish government and PKK forces since 2004. At the same time, PKK strengthened ties with Kurdish resistance in other countries. (Tezcur 775) Recently, threat of escalating violence and the difficulty of addressing Kurdish militants through armed response alone led to the focus of the Turkish government on socio-economic and cultural measures (Efigil 53). It was recognized by Turkey and the US, based on negotiations with PKK allies in Iraq, that the PKK would be agreeable to non-violent measures (Marcus 151).
4. Conclusion
Based on the history of the PKK, it emerged as part of the Kurdish independence movement guided by socialism. From a political science lens, opportunities for representation during the democratization of Turkey and pressures for democratic reforms as part of the requirements for EU membership led to the acceptance by the PKK of democracy and calls for the autonomy of Kurdistan. Although PKK sought to become a legitimate representative, negotiations with the Turkish government were constrained by its inclusion in the US and EU list of terrorist groups. Acceptance of democracy and the cycle of militant action and cease fire indicate the PKK’s willingness to negotiate for the benefit of Kurdistan. This has been recognized by the Turkish and US government as indicated by the recent focus on socio-economic and cultural programs for the Kurdish region, to which the PKK’s agreement is expected. Openness of the PKK to negotiation and compromise has led some people to consider the inclusion of PKK in the list of terrorist groups to be a mistake.
Works Cited
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Marcus, Aliza. Blood and Belief: The PKK and the Kurdish Fight for Independence. New York: New York University Press, 2007.
Schoon, Eric. “The Paradox of Legitimacy: Resilience, Successes, and the Multiple Identities of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party in Turkey.” Social Problems 62 (2015): 266-285.
Tezcur, Gunes Murat. “When democratization Radicalizes: The Kurdish Nationalist Movement in Turkey.” Journal of Peace Research 47.6 (2010): 775-789.
