Zimbabwe is one of the countries in Africa where ethnicity has been rampant. The country comprises of Ndebele and Shona as the popular communities among other small ones. In February 1980, Robert Mugabe became the countries Prime Minister establishing the first African rule in Zimbabwe. While assuming the office, Mugabe promised to exercise inclusive leadership (Jung, 1965). However, he later changed to become a harsh leader who has made the nation to live in terror of frequent political violence. He has made political atmosphere in Zimbabwe hard to bear. According to (Zolberg 15), many people in West Africa have lost hope in voting since the leaders voted never get to the office due to constant election malpractices. His government became hot bed of corruption and ethnic favoritism. He became harsh to the opposition and in progressive years of his government was marred with constant blood shedding. His incumbent challenger Morgan Tsvangirai has suffered a lot from his authoritarian rule. He uses the Shona people as a backing community to oust opposition. The historical crashing of dissidents by the majority Shona in Matabeleland inspired a trail of ethnicity among the different ethnic groups in Zimbabwe. President Mugabe’s Shona community has since perceived governance as belonging to them. This paper explores ethnicity as a political identification by assessing the ethnically-inspired political turmoil and the influence of ethnicity in the government of President Robert Mugabe.
The ethnic division along tribal lines has caused the nation economic deprivation and poor government policies. Zimbabwe’s political leaders have been appealing for voters not to change the economic structures of the nation, but for a better administration. For instance, the constitution of the country centers power on the presidency. President Mugabe uses it as a tool to stay in power by selecting officials in powerful positions to support him. He appoints these leaders along tribal lines and makes sure they are loyal to him. This has made him to stay in power for thirty-six years. Furthermore, Msindo (1996) says that this behavior has made the country to go through various ethnic wars. For example in 1982, over two thousand Ndebele people were killed as a way to martial his political powers. Msindo adds that the genocide shows how extreme ethnicity is so dangerous to the countries welfare.
In Zimbabwe, both the ordinary citizens and the elites dance to the same tune of ethnicity, where the citizen accept to vote along the tribal affiliations, while the elites accept the political appointments based on their cultural identifications (Lowes et al. 8). Even the more informed elites help in this sad portent show to breed ethnicity with its vices in the country. Culture has been cleavage around the political movements in Zimbabwe, as noted in Mugabe’s political support from the high cronies of the country, against the incumbent attempts to install a new administration (Wiseman, Ake, and Adewale 413). This has seen the nation dingle in poverty and corruption, yet his poor governance reaps from the vehement support of the military, making it hard to replace his chronic poor leadership. In fact, he constantly reminds his opponents of the impending painful experiences when they try to dare him. In addition, he is a racist president who is intolerant to the European community staying, visiting or talking about Zimbabwe. He calls them outsiders who should not say anything about the nation. His government is tarnished with terror and economic degradation giving a bad example of an African leadership, and hitherto claims that nobody should make any spell about it. For instance in 2008 general elections, he is fervidly says that Zimbabwe is a black African land and is not ready to tolerate the British mind of imperialism. He calls his political opponents the proponents of the British ideologies, who intend to take the nation back to the experiences of the colonial era.
There has been eminent rural-urban divide in Zimbabwe by Mugabe’s administration most so during voting and dispensation of the state support. Political analysts confirm the same by making an allusion that any political movement that wants to challenge him must take meticulous check about his political influence in the rural population. He is aware that many voters reside in the rural setting and focuses his attention to galvanize their support. Mugabe takes cognizance of the fact that the traditional leaders are significant in making rural decisions (Msindo 27). Therefore, he uses the state power to manipulate them for his support. This leads to too much pandemonium from the urban people, who claim that the rural authority has been the restrain to eliminate the bad political direction instigated by the existing government. The ruling party ( Zanu PF) uses the rural leaders as the party argents, who provide voter assistance and advice to the rural folks. Even though the opposition got much of legislative seats from the rural settings in 2008 elections, it is a note to consider that Mugabe has manipulated the rural support, making it difficult to challenge him in the rural settings.
In addition, Mugabe’s government capitalizes on the poverty status of the rural people, by directing his welfares to the rustic communities who dwindle in perpetual poverty (Msindo 35). The paucity nature of the rural people has made them very susceptible for political manipulation. The government rolls out donor support for them as a way to control their political thinking, giving them farm inputs to make them intone to the jingles of the government. In addition, the state makes sure that they vote in the favor of the ruling party at the against the opposition movements, something that they effect vehemently. The local bucolic leaders make sure that other opposing parties do not benefit from the support of the local people. Moreover, Mugabe is aware of the urban support to the opposition, hence use his maneuvers to lower their voting strengths while favoring the rural polling. In 2008 and later in 2013, most of the voters in urban zones were forced to seizure away from voting
These negative trending has made it very difficult for the prospects of democracy in Zimbabwe. The MDC leader Morgan Tzangirai had tried to challenge Mugabe in presidential election, but due to these extreme phenomena, it has been uneasy for him to make strides (Msindo 45). This kind of violence occurrences that have been recorded in the history of Zimbabwe since 1980’s liberation war, culminating to 2008 general elections and later 2013, are all a demonstration of bad governance. In fact, the experiences of the wars are some of the reasons that the rural people support the government since most of the hostilities took place in the rural sittings. Notably, the violence of aftermath elections in Zimbabwe has claimed many lives and destruction of property. Mugabe is so intolerant to the political movements that challenge his power, believing that he is the only person who has the dreams to give the country the hope it deserves. The main challenge that many political thinkers wonder is how the claim takes bearing under political violence, economic suppressions and tensional threats.
Besides, political atmosphere in Zimbabwe has threatened the public and political leaders. In 2007 election campaigns, church leaders and the political opposition joined hands to oppose the ban of political rallies, which was a breach to democracy. On November 2007, The Save Zimbabwe Campaign rally saw many people dying in the hands of the police including the political analyst Gift Tandare. This has lowered the opposition strength and the democratic movements in the country. The opposition leaders constantly live in threats of torture and detention (Msindo 33). This outrageous act attracted the attention of the international diplomats who accused Mugabe of despotism, but seemed not to care.
The opposition then formed a power packed agreement with the government leading to a coalition government, as away peace restoration. The opposition leaders Morgan Tzangirai became the Prime Minster, as Mugabe remained the president. Even after the signing of the accord, the political temperature in Zimbabwe continues to be unbearable. Most of the decisions in the government are not inclusive, and intends to intimidate the opposition. The state powers center on the presidency, which uses it against the challengers. In this precept, one can easily say that the claim of African independence during anticolonial campaigns was unclear in another meaning, which the public did not comprehend. They were duped into the belief that the new era would give them hope, a dream that has been casted to the periphery (Wiseman, Ake, and Adewale 411).
Ethnicity as portrayed in Zimbabwe is a concept that is worth analysis in order for other African nations must apprehend the ills of this menace. For instance, the genocide of 1980 in Zimbabwe is an awkward example that any nation should not experience. However, many governments do not seem to care for the wills of the people, but are generally power obsessed (Moore 43). They are able to sacrifice their people in order to contain power. Mugabe is ready to divide people along tribal lines in order to remain in power. He disregards the people who purport to support the government claiming that the nation belongs to the black Africans that the whites should keep off (Msindo 55). It is a demonstration of leadership that lacks the due knowledge of economic growth, subjecting the people to abject poverty. The political division along tribal affiliations has caused the nation fiscal deprivation and poor government policies. As depicted in this study, Zimbabwe’s political leaders only appeal for liberation rather than boosting the country’s economic stance. In addition, the constitution has been wrought to concentrate power on the presidency, which uses it as a tool to stay in power by selecting officials, for example, the electoral commission consist of people who are personal confidants to the president who must work according to hi caprices. These appointments reflect tribal alignments with intentions to sustain their master in power. President Mugabe even though born to a Malian mother, identifies himself with the Shona ethnic community, the community of his mother. The extermination of 2000 Ndebele people as a way to sustain his political powers show the extent ethnicity affects the political peace in the nation.
In Zimbabwe, the government uses the weakness of the people to divide them and rule them (Wiseman, Ake, and Adewale 410). The same phenomenon has been a reality in other African nations for example Kenya. In 2007, Kenya experienced the rampages of post-election violence along tribal milieus. The Kikuyu community fought against the Luos and the Kalenjins, which lead to magnitude destruction of property and loss of lives. According to Rostow (12), many families in Africa live under poverty due to ethic wars. Even recently, Southern Sudan republic experienced the same giving an impression that ethnicity is becoming a concern that gets weight in political analysis of the political situation. For this case, ethnicity and its vices in Zimbabwe give a lot of meaning why the economic and social developments stagnate.
For instance, a nation that is marred with ethnic affiliations cannot realize peace, since people see each other in the lenses of division (Wiseman, Ake, and Adewale 414).In Zimbabwe people live in fear of election due to eminent ethnic clash that are common with it. People do not understand the need to live together in harmony and unity due to political indoctrination of Mugabe’s government. He makes division in every sphere of life both in urban and rural settings. Even the elites in the nation do very little to avoid instances of division that robes people their strength and potentialities. In fact, in Zimbabwe, the fear of Mugabe’s terror has made many people to help in maintaining the status quo with its harsh dispensation. The population that depends on the state donors which is given selectively to attract the support to the government. According to Richman (1300), even children suffer the same fate. They are unable to feed well and cannot get quality education.
In conclusion, the folkloric division along tribal lines has caused the nation economic effects and poor government structure. Zimbabwe’s political leaders have been made timid and only ask voters to support them to help the restore lacerative administration. For instance, the constitution of the country centers power on the presidency, which means that it is not easy to oust him out of power. President Mugabe who identifies himself with the Shona ethnic community has fought the Ndebele counterparts through his political suppression tactics. For example in 1982, a bigger number of the Ndebele people died for reasons that are baseless, showing the harsh regime of Mugabe’s administration. His government became hot bed of corruption and ethnic favoritism. He became so harsh to the opposition and in progressive years of his government was marred with constant blood shedding He also benefits from the bigger population of the community, which compose of almost 82% of the general population. Political atmosphere in Zimbabwe has threatened the public and political leaders. In 2007 election campaigns, church leaders and the political opposition attempted to oppose the ban of political rallies, which was a fissure to democracy. This saw the death of many people brutally murdered while the leaders arrested and detained. Such kinds of harsh treatment are common to many nations that avoid political democracy. In fact, the situation is common in many African governments. Therefore, this research should inform them and the public about the painful impacts of ethnicity and bad governance.
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