Introduction
The racial and cultural or ethnic composition of the American people is in fluctuation. The rise in the number of immigrants from Latin America and Asia have increased a large portion of cultural and phenotypic assortment to the American populace in recent decades similar to the immigration wave from south and east Europe over a hundred years ago. In addition, the precincts between racial and ethnic groups are becoming extinct through the rise of intermarriage as well as the upsurge of the number of persons with diverse ancestry. The issues and concerns of ethnicity date back centuries in America. Social analysts have evaluated the position of ethnic and race groupings in terms of power and resources that particular ethnic and racial groups have assumed. For example, the majority of the first Japanese and Jewish Americans were left out of normal employment positions and were forced to resort to menial jobs as an option, even worse unemployment and poverty. This proposal will evaluate why socioeconomic racial and ethnic disparities continue even in the 21st century.
Literature review
Since 1967, poverty levels have decreased in the United States of America, however; the income inequality has risen gradually. According to analysts, getting rid of racial or ethnic poverty gaps would lower the number of children in poverty by 45% in 2050 (Peters, 1500). Racial disparities in poverty result from growing drawbacks over the lifetime, as the outcomes of hardship in one sphere of influence, extend into other domains. Although given the considerable growth in civil rights and anti-discrimination laws alongside ethnic diversity through ways such as intermarriages in America poverty is still culturally and ethnically biased. In the U.S, 1 in 3 African-American children and 1 in 4 Latino children grow up in homes surrounded at poverty levels twice the rate for white children (South and Crowder, 954). By the time, these children turn three years old those from white racial backgrounds possess a larger vocabulary than those from black racial backgrounds of the same economic level. The disparity in the race is similar to that for class and is consistent up to the age of thirteen in children.
White people record that they receive better overall healthcare than Blacks, Latinos and Asians, even after controlling for education, poverty and unemployment. States with the majority comprising of Black and Hispanics on welfare are more probably to exert lifetime inhibitions, family caps on advantages and more stringent sanctions for noncompliance (Reardon and Bischoff, 1100). Although, the race is not a primary concern or determinant in the life choices of Americans currently, it is a factor that will remain constant in affecting economic and social policies thus a large effect on poverty. Scholars insist that in order for poverty to divert from racial and ethnic perspectives comprehensive reforms need to be formulated by focusing on why racial variations in poverty extend from one domain to another.
In one study, examiners submitted similar job applications by mail for an estimated 1,400 job openings in Boston and Chicago. Some applications had a “black-sounding” name such as Brendan Cole and other applications had “white-sounding” names such as Raheem Jones. The findings of this study were the job applications with white-sounding names had a higher likelihood of being shortlisted than those from Blacks.
Hypothesis
The above literature establishes hypothesis for a number of testable hypotheses. First, because the United States housing market is broadly founded on the ability-to-pay, income inequality will probably be associated with income segregation. It will also lead to changes in income inequality through positive correlation with income segregation. Second hypothesis, because many of the transformations in income inequality have been the outcome of development in upper-tail inequality, experts foresee that amends in income inequality will influence the segregation of prosperity to a higher degree than it concerns the segregation of poverty. Third, researchers expect that income inequality will have a greater affiliation with income segregation among Black families than among White families throughout 1970-2000 a period when housing market limitations were significantly reduced for Black households (Gaspariniand NLustig, 694). Lastly, despite there being no existing studies on the geographic size of income segregation experts predict that income inequality results in income segregation mainly by growing the spatial space between high and low-income households. Therefore, the estimate is that income inequality will have a stable relation with macro-scale segregation models than with micro-scale segregation patterns (Peters, 174).
Only a few studies relating to most of the above-mentioned hypotheses have been in the public domain. A number of existing research reports illustrates a positive relationship between income segregation and income inequality. Wheeler and La Jeunesse (882) chiefly substantiate findings of the positive relationship using findings from metropolitan areas as the unit of evaluation despite having the option of using the States.
Data Methods
Determining Income Segregation and Inequality
One approach to viewing the coefficients from these models is as estimates of the average within-metropolitan area relationships between the urban covariates and income segregation. For instance, a coefficient of 0.445, which is the coefficient of income inequality in the first of the regression models is an indication that on average each division of change in the gini index within an urban area is linked with contemporaneous 0.445 unit change in segregation (Reardon, Sean and Kendra Bischoff, 1096). Also included is a set of indicator variables that record the average urban change in income segregation within each decade across the nation, net of changes in covariates in the models.
Conclusion
The Great Recession increased the sum of income inequality, but not the total of consumption disparity or the allocation of total income rising to the top by one percent. After the Great Recession came to a halt in mid-2009, income and consumption disparities were greater than before therefore reverting what has been a practically relentless development in disparity over the last three decades. The reduction in house values throughout the Great Recession enlarged wealth disparity because houses are the primary asset of less advantaged groups. Although, currently there are some new measures to counter and rectify such losses in wealth.
On the other hand, many Americans feel that race is no longer relevant to comprehending the issue of poverty, customizing solutions or reducing this issue. However, in order to unravel the complicated loopholes for the constant link between poverty and race it is crucial to take into account race as a starting point. Since the foundation of America, race-based hurdles have held back the accomplishment of our shared values and majority of these barriers continue currently. Despite increasing economic lows and highs, this does not mean racial inequality is decreased and it does not reach low-income people of color.
Works Cited
Chantreuil, Frédéric, and Alain Trannoy. "Inequality decomposition values."Annals of Economics and Statistics/Annales d'Économie et de Statistique(2011): 13-36.
Gasparini, Leonardo, and Nora Lustig. "The rise and fall of income inequality in Latin America." The Oxford Handbook of Latin American Economics (2011): 691-714.
Goffette-Nagot, Florence, and Yves Schaeffer. "Social Segregation and Suburbanization in France: a discrete choice approach." Journées de microéconomie Appliquée, Dijon, 4-5 juin 2009.
Peters, David J. "American income inequality across economic and geographic space, 1970–2010." Social science research 42.6 (2013): 1490-1504.
Peters, David J. "Income Inequality across Micro and Meso Geographic Scales in the Midwestern United States, 1979–20091." Rural Sociology 77.2 (2012): 171-202.
Reardon, Sean F., and Kendra Bischoff. "Income inequality and income segregation1." American Journal of Sociology 116.4 (2011): 1092-1153.
Reardon, Sean F., and Kendra Bischoff. "Income inequality and income segregation1." American Journal of Sociology 116.4 (2011): 1092-1153.
Wheeler, Christopher H., and Elizabeth A. La Jeunesse. "TRENDS IN NEIGHBORHOOD INCOME INEQUALITY IN THE US: 1980–2000*." Journal of Regional Science 48.5 (2008): 879-891.
