1. Introduction
This paper discusses the marriage and kinship patterns among the Ait Khebbbach tribe of south Eastern Morocco. Although the Ait Khebbach tribe is Berber, similar to all Berber-speaking tribes in Morocco, they have adopted Arab kinship patterns (Gélard 566). The Ait Kehbbach tribe was nomadic until recently and were famous for controlling the lucrative transsaharan route from Morocco to Mali (Gélard 566). The specific family discussed in this paper, the Al Hammad family, is not that of the author, but of a friend. The names have been changed to protect confidentiality. The family was chosen on the basis that it demonstrates interesting twists of fate that tested the flexibility of the marriage pattern. This middle-class family lives in a small oasis town in south-eastern Morocco not far from the Algerian border. Originally, the town was a staging ground for transaharan caravans, but now caters to tourists preparing for brief excursions into the Sahara.
The Al Hammad family own and operate a small but well-appointed restaurant whose clientele are mostly European tourists. The family home is located within a few blocks of the restaurant. The Al Hammad women wear traditional long Moroccan dresses, but unlike women in some other Moslem countries, do not wear a hijab. The men wear casual western clothes. No members of the family pray five times a day or regularly attend a mosque. However, Ramadan is formally observed.
2. Type of Family
Although there is evidence that the Ait Khebbbach tribe originally followed a matrilineal affiliation pattern, along with the rest of Moslems in Morocco, have adopted the Arabic family code. The Arab kinship pattern is decidedly patrilineal. The members of the Al Hammad family live as an extended family. The father, Shadi, passed away years ago. The mother, Lulwah, lives with her two daughters, Shahalil (approximately 35 years of age), and Ebtesam (approximately 28 years of age), along with Ebtesam’s three children, all under the age of 6 years. Also living in the house are Lulwah’s two sons, Tariq (approximately 50 years of age) and Souhail (approximately 40 years of age). Tariq is married to Dima and they have two children). Souhail was unmarried at the time I became acquainted with the family. Lulwah’s youngest daughter, Hala (approximately 25 years old), lives with her husband and one child in a separate household in the town but another district. A clear patrilocality is demonstrated by the family as the sons remain in the family home. Tariq’s wife was brought into her husband’s home and the daughter, Hala, lives in a separate household, presumably closer to her husband’s family.
Patrilineal descent is indicated by the family dynamics as the legal paperwork conducted after the father passed away stated that the two sons were joint owners of the restaurant. Both sons actively work in the restaurant, but none of the women are involved. Ebtesam has been employed outside the home and contributed to the household finances, so there is some erosion of the strict ideal of male dominance.
3. Mode of selecting a spouse
In Morocco, Arab family law is both a political and social construction that codifies the selection of appropriate spouses. The family has the right to compel the daughter to marry. The minimum age for marriage for girls is 15 and 18 for boys. Male supremacy is encoded in family law. A husband must provide for his wife and a wife must be obedient to her husband. Divorce is by unilateral repudiation by the husband and the husband may marry up to four wives. A woman may obtain a civil divorce from her husband on the basis of lack of maintenance, or harm (Harrak 2).
In the Al Hammad family, the oldest daughter Shahalil is still unmarried at the age of 35. She has had a number of suitors in the past. Recently, an appropriate suitor, a widower, was recommended by a family friend and Shahalil travelled to a nearby town to meet him. She returned within a few days after having decided not to marry the man. Therefore, in practice in this family, there is no pressure for the daughters to marry.
Souhail became attracted to a European tourist, Helena, who was visiting the restaurant. The attraction was mutual. Helena was approximately 20 years Souhail’s senior. Over a period of two years, Helena returned to Morocco to see Souhail several times and finally the two mutually decided that Helena would move to Morocco. They lived together in a nearby hotel in what a westerner would understand as a common-law-relationship. Clearly, this arrangement was outside the expectations of Arab family law. Due to her age, Helena could not provide children for the family and as a well-educated European, was not likely to be dominated by Souhail. The family dealt with the situation by having Helena to the family home for the midday meal, but the couple was to live at the hotel. Within a year, Sohail and Helena were married in a civil ceremony and the family was not told or invited. No festivities accompanied the event. Without telling the family, Souhail and Helena started to build a house several miles from the family home, that is, a neolocal situation. The family was not formally told of the marriage or the new house, but it was assumed that they knew. In other words, it was a well-known secret. A few days ago, Helena and the women of the family were at a nearby fair and Helena decided to show the ladies the foundations of the home. Everybody had a positive reaction and no one was surprised.
Lulwah has begun to treat Helena as a daughter-in-law by teaching her the local culture by guiding her through various social situations. They appear to be fond of each other. Thus, it would appear that the way the Al Hammad family adapted to the unconventional union was to not be obliged to publicly condone the marriage of Helena and Souhail.
4. Exogamy, endogamy and polygamy
Exogamy and endogamy patterns structure marriage choices and codify from whom you may expect to receive resources. Exogamy seeks alliances outside the family in order to share their resources. Exogamous patterns would be prevalent among groups that are in need of resources. Endogamous unions keep the wealth within the family or tribe by not permitting access marriages outside the group. Marriage patterns have both social economic functions.
Esteve and Bueno reported that Moroccans living and working in Spain had the highest rate of endogamous marriages of all the immigrant populations in Spain (45). That is, a Moroccan man working in Spain would return to Morocco to find and wife and together they would return to Spain. Even second generation Moroccans living in Spain married other Moroccans also living in Spain. One of the reasons for the overwhelming preference for endogamy on the national level was that much of the money earned in Spain would ultimately return to support the family household in Morocco.
The married women in the Al Hammad household chose spouses within the town and certainly within the Moslem faith. Therefore, the ideal pattern is likely to be exogamous relative to the kin group, but endogamous with respect to the town. Shahalil travelled to another town to meet a potential suitor, but that might be because choices were limited in her age group. Although polygamy is accepted in Morocco, it was not practiced in the Al Hammad family in the recent past or today.
In southeastern Morocco, there was a pattern of unmarried men aligning themselves with relatively wealthier European women. The men expected some monetary gain. Souheil’s “imported wife” contributed to the Al Hammad family materially in terms of buying groceries and incidentals needed by the family and contributing to the construction of the new house. Helena also contributed by expanding the social life of the Al Hammad women by arranging trips outside the town. Helena could drive and so could take Lulwah on tours of sacred monuments, which was greatly appreciated.
5. How kinship and marriage structure rights and obligations
As in common in a patrilocal, patrilineal system, the men are expected to live and work together and jointly benefit from the profits of the restaurant. The rights and obligations of kinship of the Al Hammad men were clearly set out and for the most part followed. All the Al Hammad men were expected to be actively involved in the operations of the restaurant. Their rights were to have their wives and children supported. For example, although Souheil married outside the traditional community, he continued to support the extended family by working at the restaurant. He expects to continue to work for the family when he moves to his new home.
A woman marrying into the Al Hammad family was supported, as were the forthcoming children. There was no expectation that women should work, although it was acceptable in Ebtesam’s case. Possibly, Helena is not regarded as being married to Souheil as it was a civil contract unaccompanied by the traditional ceremonies, and therefore not publicly sanctioned by the family. The compromise is that she usually had the midday meal with the family, although that will probably discontinue when she moves into her new home.
In summary, the Al Hammad family adhered to Arab family code with respect to marriage and kinship patterns for the most part, but finessed a deviation when it occurred. If the family was wealthy and Helena wanted to raise a family, it is difficult to say what might have transpired.
Works Cited
Esteve, Albert, and Bueno, Xiana. “Marrying after migration: assortative mating among Moroccans in Spain,” Genus 68.1 (2012) : 41-63. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/genus.68.issue-1
Gélard, Marie-Luce. “Representations of Kinship Agnatic Ideology and Uterine Values in a Berber-Speaking Tribe (South-East Morocco).” Anthropos (2004) : 565-572. Retrieved from https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00585283
Harrak, Fatima. The History and Significance of the New Moroccan Family Code. Working Paper No. 09-002. Evanston, IL : Institute for the Study of Islamic Thought in Africa. Buffett Center, Northwestern University. Retrieved from http://buffett.northwestern.edu/documents/working-papers/ISITA_09-002_Harrak.pdf
