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Abstract
This research established in the article sought to explain the issue of marriage regarding Chinese rural young women and to give the grounds if the issue served as a risk or protective factor for their suicide. The analysis included a brief summary of the main ideas of the article, the purpose of the research, key findings and consequences of the results. Moreover, the major theoretical perspective to clarify the findings was based on Emile Durkheim’s social integration theory of suicide which highlights sources of people’s social support. The observations allowed focusing on psychological autopsy methods and a case-control design to investigate the suicides and controls in relation to their characteristics. All the data explored in this study extended the extant research literature on the risk factors for suicide in the Chinese society in comparison with the American society, judging by the social integration theory of suicide. The results of this study established the fact that being married was not a protective factor for suicide, and married young females experienced more mental problems, poorer relationships with parents and a fewer rate of social support than their unmarried counterparts. On the other hand, education and social support functioning as protective factors of suicide were emphasized.
Keywords: Chinese rural young women, social integration theory of suicide, risk factors of suicide, psychological autopsy methods, a case-control design, marriage, mental problems, social support.
Introduction
The article “Marriage and Suicide among Chinese Rural Young Women” is written by Jie Zhang who represents the State University of New York College at Buffalo. The author investigated a topical issue of suicide with regard to young women in rural China and stated that the marital status did not serve as a protective factor. The choice of the article is connected with encountering such cases in our everyday life and awareness of contemporary risk factors in a non-western culture. The pressing issue of marriage and suicide is analyzed and presented under the subsequent headings in the main part of the article review – Summation, Theory, Methods and Comparison – and followed by conclusion.
Summation
The study examined the issue of marriage regarding young women living in rural China and the grounds if the issue served as a risk or protective factor for their suicide. It is very important to investigate risk factors for suicide committed by rural young women, because the Chinese suicide research can reveal how the risk factors can be prevented. The purpose of the research relates to testing Durkheim’s notion of fatalistic suicide and offering “new insights for understanding rural young women’s suicide in the context of Chinese culture” (Zhang, 2010, p. 313). The purpose concentrated on three main goals which emphasized risk factors for suicide. In particular, it was imperative to understand the role of different factors in terms of the possibility to reduce suicide risks. Firstly, the author meditated upon strengthening familial and social integration for Chinese rural young females. The second goal was associated with certain marriage-related factors. Among them are fertility events, relationships with the husband, in-laws and family, and social support. As for the third one, culture-specific factors could be of great influence. For instance, beliefs in religion or superstition and the membership of the Communist Party or the Communist League could clarify the reasons for suicide among young women living in rural China (Zhang, 2010, p. 322).
As Zhang (2010) asserts, “the unique finding of the study is that being married is not a protective factor for suicide” (p. 324). Specifically, married young females tended to suffer from more mental problems than their unmarried counterparts. The same was applied to poorer relationships with parents and a fewer rate of social support. This can be explained by attitudes in traditional Chinese rural culture, which posits marriage as a familial binding for a woman rather than a man. In this regard a strong predictor of suicidal behavior is suicide history in the family. Another explanation of the unique finding is associated with the Strain Theory of Suicide which focuses on explaining value strains among Chinese rural young women.
The findings are based on the study of the family structure and marital status of rural young women living in China. As for social structure and personal factors, they can play a greater role in China than in other countries. This is explained by traditional social practices which are still present-day. Specifically, very traditional families are known for arranging and determining dates and marriages. There is also a tension between a young woman and her mother-in-law. As regards culture-specific factors, belief in the Communist Party’s leadership serves as a protective factor, and being members of the Communist Party and the Communist League contributes to that. These ideas prove a major civic value and high social status among the Chinese population (Zhang, 2010, p. 323).
Interpretation of these findings relies on Durkheim’s concept of fatalistic suicide and the Strain Theory of Suicide. The researcher concluded that marriage was not a protective factor. What is more, such women suffered from insufficient social support, unlike their unmarried counterparts. The investigation proved that a high risk factor for Chinese rural young female suicide was linked to being married although the highest one was associated with mental illness. On the other hand, education and social support functioned as protective factors of suicide.
The study aimed to test Durkheim’s notion of fatalistic suicide as the theoretical perspective, so the future study can concentrate on another theory to investigate Chinese suicide. In this respect the Strain Theory of Suicide can become the basis of considering value strains among Chinese rural young women. In addition, there can be the assessment of prevalence of mental disorders and suicide attempts among the general population, and the investigation of effects of mental disorders on completed suicides can be undertaken (Zhang, 2010, p. 314).
Theory
The theoretical perspective of the study is explained by Emile Durkheim’s social integration theory of suicide, or Durkheimianism, which highlights sources of people’s social support. Primarily, the sources are linked to family and marriage, and there is a correlation between marital status and suicide risk. The case of present-day rural China is different, and it is established in a different attitude towards social integration forces. Specifically, married young females may not experience strengths of family bonds and social networks. This concept is based on the family structure and specific marital relationships. For instance, women generally stay at home and take care of their family members; as a result they suffer from lack of social support. Additionally, Confucian ideology stresses the Three Cardinal Guides which indicate strict regulation of family relationships: rule guides subject, father guides son, and husband guides wife (Zhang, 2010, p. 312). The excessive regulation of marriage can be a cause of suicide among young women living in rural China.
Additionally, religion does not function as another social integration force, as advocated for in Durkheimianism (Zhang, 2010, p. 323). The reasons for that lie in a small proportion of Chinese people who worship and believe in superstition prevailing over religion. Consequently, socialization, integration and support may not be realized among religious people in China. The integration theory may not truly explain realities inherent to Chinese culture.
Durkheimianism relies on the theoretical basis of the Strain Theory of Suicide which centers on the reasons for suicidal behavior. Namely, the reasons for suicidal behavior may be due to strain derived from conflicting and competing pressures in a person’s life. This type of strain, which an individual can sometimes be unaware of, becomes so intolerable that a person decides to stop it. Strain is presented as a double or triple variable phenomenon, unlike simple pressure or stress characterized as a single variable phenomenon (Zhang, 2010, p. 324).
The Strain Theory of Suicide is based on four types of strain: conflicting values, reality vs. aspiration, relative deprivation and deficient coping. In case of conflicting values, individuals suffer from value strain when their social values of beliefs compete on a daily basis. The second type of strain underlines aspiration strain which arises from a discrepancy between aspiration and reality in which individuals are found. Furthermore, deprivation strain is connected with awareness of other people leading a much better life. This situation is more typical of the poor population as it relates to other people of a similar background. The last type deals with coping strain which establishes individuals’ lack of ability to handle stressful life situations.
In terms of married young females living in rural China, they tend to experience value strain in daily life. This type of strain results from incongruity of values in Chinese culture revealed in the traditional Confucian ideology and the Communist government’s ideas. In the former case, such women are considered to be of less value in the domestic setting, whereas the Communist government claims that both women and men are equal. Internalization of the discrepancy in values may cause psychological frustration and lead to fatal consequences. On the other hand, if married young women abandon one of the values, this frustration can disappear. The same is typical of unmarried rural women who tend to experience less frustration because of decreased traditional pressure which derives from the marital relationships.
Methods
The researcher examined rural young females aged 15-35 who had committed suicide and also analyzed a control group of women who had been chosen according to the same characteristics of age and community (Zhang, 2010, p. 313). The author employed psychological autopsy methods and a case-control design to investigate the both groups of people in relation to their characteristics. The psychological autopsy method was applied in pilot work in order to test the possibility of studying suicide in the Chinese environment. It proved to be reliable and valid in this setting although it was originally considered to be the western developed instrument. In terms of the case-control design, Zhang (2010) assured us of an optimal research method applicable to the environment of Chinese rural young suicides and the tested hypotheses. What is more, it was necessary to compare the suicide cases with the same living people who were not associated with suicidal behavior but had the same characteristics. Schlesselman’s techniques allowed carrying out the case-control design, consecutive sample selection and its data analysis, using logistic multiple regressions (p. 313).
The researcher chose three Chinese provinces: Liaoning, Hunan and Shandong, and 16 rural counties from these provinces were randomly selected. The suicide cases aged 15-35 were sampled from October 2005 to June 2008 and amounted to 178, while controls equaled 214 people. With regard to suicide cases, different people were involved: a project coordinator, project director and director from an affiliated university. Specifically, the Center for Disease Control and Prevention in each of the 16 counties enabled the project coordinator to monitor suicides. The person reported to the project director in the relevant province and a director from an affiliated university, who recorded the cases on a monthly basis. It should be mentioned that the questionable intent of suicide made the researcher omit the case (Zhang, 2010, p. 314).
Determining all suicide cases is important for the investigation, but the process of registering accidental or natural deaths has some peculiarities in China. A health agency obtains information about all deaths from hospitals and issues death certificates. Village doctors from remote rural areas are in charge of giving the certificates and reporting the deaths to the health agency. Also, the village treasurer is knowledgeable about all the deaths, because collecting fees for burials and cremations is his/her responsibility. In turn the village board and villagers can confirm different suicide cases as well (Zhang, 2010, p. 314).
The research team interviewed two informants and target individuals in the living control group. The types of informants were important for obtaining relevant information in the context of psychological autopsy studies. The inclusion criteria were as follows. Firstly, the village head and village doctor recommended suicide informants, while the controls themselves applied as control group informants. Secondly, at least 18-year-old informants could be eligible, unlike the subjects aged 15 as a minimum. Thirdly, the informants for suicides and controls represented different social roles: informant #1 could be a family member only (a parent or spouse), whereas a friend, coworker or neighbor could be seen as informant #2. Lastly, the suicides’ husbands and in-laws were excluded from the list (Zhang, 2010, p. 315). As a result, the informants signed an informed consent during a personal visit with the local health agency or the village administration. Inter-rater reliability across the study was supported by presence of the same interviewers who participated in collecting data for the samples of the suicide cases and controls.
Throughout the research, the case-control status functioned as the dependent variable. As for the main predicting variables, they were depicted as marital status, age, education, personal and family annual income. Among dummy variables to consider there was Party or League membership, believing in religion or superstition, suicide history in the family, pesticide stored and mental illness. The variables were taken into account when conducting interviews for each suicide case and living control. The obtained data were integrated according to three principles (Zhang, 2010, p. 316). Namely, the informant’s responses to questions about demographic information were of great importance in case of their best access to the information. Moreover, the researcher selected a higher score of two informants’ answers to questions about the interpersonal relationship and family position of the target person. Besides, issues of suicide history, mental illness and family deviance required a positive response to consider.
Zhang (2010) claimed that the data analysis meant using t tests which allowed comparing suicide cases and controls as well as married and unmarried females. Testing the models relied on logistic multiple regressions, and identification of statistically significant results was made via SPSS (version 16.0) with alpha = .05 (p. 317). The obtained results for both female suicides and controls by marital status were summarized in tables and included in the study as the mean, standard deviation and the range. Logistic multiple regressions with all the relevant variables alongside with the major independent variable as marital status helped identify the risk factors for suicide. In conclusion, a suitable model predicting young female suicide in rural China correlated with a significant model χ2 (184.45) and 53 percent of the variance in suicide (p. 321).
Zhang (2010) also hypothesized if the fertility events, which were connected with the Chinese government’s one-child policy, had an impact on suicidal behavior. The study showed no relevant evidence to prove the hypothesis (p. 322). Nonetheless, demographic and personal characteristics established no evident difference for married and unmarried counterparts. Another table in the study focused on the distribution and comparison of family-related factors and social support, which proved to be statistically significant except for a low position in the family and pesticide stored at home (p. 317). Other insignificant comparisons between married suicides and married controls were found with their position in the family and fertility events. Unmarried suicides and controls had more support, so did controls rather than suicides (p. 318).
Informants indicated that, among the married, the suicides had poorer relationships with their husbands, in-laws and parents than the living controls. The researcher stressed the unawareness of the reason for negative relationships and a low status of the married young women as suicides (Zhang, 2010, p. 323). Nonetheless, it became known in the study that poorer relationships with and less social support from the social community were typical of married women. Still, married females tended to believe in religion or superstition, which did not serve as a protective factor.
Comparison
The theoretical perspective of the research revealed as Emile Durkheim’s social integration theory of suicide explains differences between non-western and western realities, i. e. Chinese and American features. This theory highlights family and marriage as sources of people’s social support. The United States is characterized by marriage to be a protective factor against suicide (Zhang, 2010, p. 312). No matter what age, gender and race people have, marriage refers to the lowest suicide rates among other marital statuses.
Conversely, marriage is not a protective social factor of suicide in the Chinese rural environment. Surely, this concept differs greatly from the key ideas of the sociological theory of integration revealed in western cultures. In the United States, married and never married women are associated with the lowest suicide rates. Divorced females pose a higher rate of suicidal behavior than widowed ones, but the both groups have a much greater risk than married women.
The American and Chinese societies have striking differences in terms of their demographic pattern of suicide. For instance, there is no evident discrepancy in suicidal rates in urban and rural areas, but the rate of male suicide rates is much higher than that of female ones. The Chinese study concentrates more on non-medical reasons, such as social, cultural, economic and political, unlike the American one (Zhang, 2010, p. 322).
The risk factors for suicide connected with mental illness differ in the United States and China as well. Over 35 percent of Chinese people-suicides die with a non-diagnosable mental illness, while this situation is typical of less than 10 percent of U.S. suicides (Zhang, 2010, p. 311). The examples suggest that the Western model posits correlations between mental illness and suicide, so preventive measures relate to identification and treatment of mental illness. Nonetheless, these correlations may not be applicable to the Chinese model which presents low prevalence of mental disorder.
According to the social integration theory of suicide, religion plays an essential role in the American society, whereas the Chinese society is not famous for their religious beliefs. Only a low number of people practice religion or superstition in rural areas. This situation can sometimes be explained as a form of deviance among Chinese rural young women.
Conclusion
Zhang investigated the issue of marriage as a factor of suicide among young women living in rural China. Suicide is considered to be the leading cause of death among Chinese young people aged 15-35. The purpose of the research is linked to testing Durkheim’s notion of fatalistic suicide, which establishes the fact that being married is not a protective factor for suicide. Married young females experienced more mental problems, poorer relationships with parents and a fewer rate of social support than their unmarried counterparts. These were explained by actual traditional social practices and major civic values among the Chinese population. On the other hand, education and social support functioned as protective factors of suicide among Chinese rural young women.
The researcher examined rural young females aged 15-35 as suicides and controls to adopt psychological autopsy methods and a case-control design to investigate the both groups of people from three Chinese provinces. The research team interviewed two informants and target individuals in the living control group. Throughout the research, the case-control status functioned as the dependent variable, and marital status, age, education, personal and family annual income were among the main predicting variables. The data analysis involved using t tests which allowed comparing suicide cases and controls as well as married and unmarried females. Also, testing the models relied on logistic multiple regressions. The interpreted data were compared with family and marriage as sources of people’s social support and protection against suicide in the United States. Moreover, mental illness and religion play a significant role in the American society, because they present risks for suicidal behavior.
References
Zhang, J. (2010). Marriage and suicide among Chinese rural young women. Social Forces, 89(1), 311-326.
