In our modern, sophisticated and highly secular world, the concept of witchcraft might seem ridiculous and anachronistic. Yet, even today there are many people in the world who believe strongly in the supernatural, including the power of witchcraft to influence the world around them. Despite 19th century mysticism and Romantic period interest in the Druids, Europe has largely abandoned any such traditions. However, belief in witchcraft is still quite common in much of Africa. However, even in Africa witchcraft has changed significantly from what it was in the distant past. The following essay will examine both European and African witchcraft traditions, comparing and contrasting them. In addition, the ways in which these beliefs have changed in Europe and Africa will also be considered.
There are two common ways of looking at witchcraft and how it is used by people in a society. There are those individuals who simply believe in witchcraft, and there are those who actually practice witchcraft themselves. It some cases, these are one and the same thing, while in other cases they are not. For an example, consider how an African man who believes in the power of witchcraft (but doesn't practice it) might consult with an oracle to discover whether a particular witch has made a family member unwell. In the same way, for a member of the Azande tribe in Africa who has a poor crop, a collapsed hut or a damaged fishing boat, such a misfortune can be immediately attributed to malicious sorcery (Evans-Prichard, 1976, p. 18).
However, it is not always quite as straightforward as the above would seem to imply. Often, a particular group of people (whether they are in Europe or Africa) will hold contradictory and inconsistent views regarding just what witchcraft is. This begs the question, just what qualifies as witchcraft and what doesn't? For instance, when making a distinction between sorcery and witchcraft among the Azande, Evans-Pritchard wrote, "The sorcerer, on the other hand may make magic to kill his neighbors. The magic will not kill them but he can, and no doubt often does, make it with that intention." Thus, for the Azande, witchcraft itself was not necessarily a negative thing, although it frequently could be. In fact, for the Azande, witchcraft and the supernatural were not something extraordinary and outside of their everyday experience. Instead, they viewed it as being fully integrated into their ordinary lives (Evans-Prichard, 1976, p. 19).
The same could be said of pagans who lived before the arrival of Christianity in Europe. For the Norse and other groups living in pre-Christian northern Europe, their Gods and other supernatural beings and/or forces were not some abstraction that lived far from them in temples or in heaven. The gods of the pagans were constantly a part of their daily lives. The pagans of Europe took these gods seriously enough that they were willing to sacrifice not only valuable belongings and livestock of them, but human lives as well. This is confirmed by the discovery of preserved, sacrificed "bog men" in several countries throughout northern Europe.
For the people of Europe and their distant colonies in the New World, this question of identifying witches was a particularly relevant one. Often, the mere accusation of witchcraft was more than sufficient to lead to an individual's death. For Europeans of a few centuries ago, there was no great distinction between witchcraft and sorcery, with both being seen as malicious and evil. Furthermore, in most societies (whether past or present) the degree to which a practice and a belief are two separate things will depend on whether they are an accepted part of that society, as well what it means to them.
While literature and film have presented amusing portraits of superstitious communities conducting ridiculous and entirely pointless tests to determine if someone is a witch, these representations are not entirely inaccurate. One of the most well-known witch tests involved dunking a person in water. If the person accused of being a witch floated rather than sinking to the bottom, then this person was clearly a witch. Of course, drowning was a common side effect of being cleared of the charge of being a witch. The illogical nature of this test and the paradox that it presented to the accused was lost on the medieval mindset.
The ancient pagan beliefs of Celtic Europe involve supernatural practices (witchcraft) that the Christian church found unacceptable. This was almost certainly largely because these Celtic beliefs were competing with their own. In fact, as Christianity grew and expanded into Europe, many of the pagan beliefs (such as the horned God of the forest) were absorbed into Christianity and transformed for its own purposes. Thus the horned God (or Pan) became Satan (or the devil) in Christian belief. This co-opting of pagan beliefs, rituals and festivals was a very common thing in early Christianity (Luhrman, 1991, p. 45).
For instance, it is well-known that the Christian holiday of Christmas is simply a renamed pagan midwinter festival that the Catholic Church absorbed. Much of the imagery and props used in Christmas celebrations, from the placement of a tree inside the home to the use of a Yule log, are directly drawn from pagan rituals. In the same way, Easter is based on a pagan festival of spring and rebirth. For the Christians, this pagan festival was particularly useful, since the concept of spring and rebirth worked well for their newly risen Savior. Of course, many ancient faiths incorporated the concept of rebirth, resurrection or renewal, as can be seen in the story of Osiris in Egypt.
There are certain commonalities in many different societies, especially with regard to witchcraft and the people that practice it. It should be noted that in most societies, witches are usually adults, and specifically elderly adults. In Europe, witches are also principally women, although Africans are less likely to make this gender differentiation. Witches are usually seen by the people living around them as living the life of a hermit and having a selfish and cruel personality (Mayer, 1954, p. 56). The practice of witchcraft as a profession is one that is usually passed down within families. Stigmata or other physical signs will often be seen which will allow a witch to be recognized.
A characteristic frequently associated with witches is red eyes. This belief has been reported among a number of tribes in Africa, including the Lugbara (Middleton, 1967, p. 65) and the Cewa (Marwick, 1967, p. 107). This is also the case among the Azande, who would definitely consider red eyes as a sign of someone being a witch (Evans-Pritchard, 1976, p. 2). In Europe as well, red eyes are frequently viewed as being connected with evil. However, red eyes are most often associated in Europe with demons and devils, rather than witches.
One of the greatest similarities between European and African witchcraft is the close association in the public mind between the practice of witchcraft and the elderly. This assumed connection between elderly women in particular and witchcraft is seen in many African societies, as well as in Germany, England, and even the Roman Empire. In mythology and stories, this type of elderly female witch goes after children in the community. Thus we get the stories of wicked witches living in houses in the forest who lure in children like Hansel and Gretel so they can have them for dinner.
The reasoning behind this association between old age and witchcraft varies from culture to culture. For instance, among the Azande the power of witchcraft is seen as a growing greater and more corrupt as a person ages (Evans-Pritchard, 1976, p. 8).Thus, for these people a young witch would be far less intimidating because his or her power would not yet be fully developed. Furthermore, virtually all societies associate death with old age, and it may be that many of these societies see the elderly as personifications of death (or at least impending death).
During England's witch trials, it was certainly true that any old woman who had a very wrinkled face and hair on her chin faced the possibility of being accused of witchcraft. While the average age to be accused of witchcraft was somewhere between 50-70, the older the age of a woman in question the greater the chance she could be accused of witchcraft by someone in her community (MacFarlane, 1970, p. 161). There are some indications that accusations of witchcraft were made against individuals for ulterior motives. For instance, if someone wanted to get their hands on their neighbor's land one of the best ways to do it might be to accuse that neighbor of being a witch.
Along with the tradition of old women being viewed as witches, beggars were also sometimes targeted in witch hunts. This was because they stood out from the rest of the community and behaved in a way that was largely unacceptable to that community. However, once the old age pension was created and began to significantly reduce the number of beggars on the street, the necessity of providing charity and handouts to these individuals was accordingly reduced. This in turn meant that the reputation of these beggars as witches also diminished over time (Davies, 1999, p. 291).
As mentioned before, by the Middle Ages witches in Europe were viewed as malicious, miserable and sharp tongued (MacFarlane, 1970, p. 158). Essentially, these individuals were no longer fitting well into the community (or had never done so). They were eccentrics, outcasts and misanthropes. Many were no doubt mentally ill by modern standards, but during ancient times madness was not understood to be. The same sorts of sorts of individuals were viewed in largely the same way in Africa. Moreover, beggars among these individuals usually got what they requested, since people were terrified to refuse them for fear of retribution (MacFarlane, 1970, p. 227).
In some rare instances, children in Europe were also accused of being witches.
In 1627, one Bishop in Wurzborg went so far as to accuse and execute one of his nephews for witchcraft (Midelfort, 1972, p. 177). As mentioned above, Europeans primarily focused on elderly women when making witchcraft accusations, but Africans (both in the past and the present) usually do not focus on one sex or the other when it comes to witchcraft. There are some specific exceptions to this however.
In fact, among the Azande witchcraft (or sorcery) can be practiced by either sex. Furthermore, it is usually inherited from the father in the case of males or from the mother in the case of females (Evans-Pritchard, 1976, p. 2). Interestingly though, the Lugbara tribe feel that sorcerers are exclusively men and that the son can inherit this "profession" from his father (Middleton, 1967, p. 61). In recent decades, such traditions have begun to diminish in Africa. This is particularly the case in those parts of Africa that have been heavily infiltrated and changed by the influence of incoming Christian missionaries. Such missionaries generally have very little interest in local beliefs and traditions. In fact, most of them do their best to eliminate such beliefs.
Among the Scots, more than 80% of those accused of witchcraft were women, a percentage that closely matches the numbers for witch accusations throughout Western Europe. Certainly, the Roman and German equivalent of witches were women (Hutton, 2002, p. 25). The French believe that women were more susceptible to being influenced by the devil because they were more weak minded. Germans on the other hand believed that women were more easily seduced by Satan because of what they perceived to be their greater lust (Midelfort, 1972, p. 178).
One major event influencing such beliefs occurred during the 15th and 16th centuries. At this time, the number of women choosing not to get married rose, while the number of nunneries available for them to join declined. This meant that after the father of a woman who had not married died, she would be removed from any male control whatsoever.
Interestingly, although Iceland carried out its own series of witch trials at roughly the same time as the Scots and was quite similar to Scotland economically, politically and culturally, Iceland did not necessarily associate women with witchcraft. This is made even more strange by the fact that Denmark (that controled Iceland) and Norway (which had settled Iceland) both associated women with witchcraft.
A possible explanation for this difference in Iceland may be associated with the Saami of Finland, since the beliefs of the Saami were quite similar to the Siberians. Among Siberians, shamans (sorcerers or witches) were principally male. Moreover, the Saami also traveled to Norway, which settled Iceland. (Hutton, 2002, p. 29).
For Africans, the use of witchcraft serves many purposes in their society. For one thing, it offers useful explanations for both misfortunes (which would otherwise seem random and meaningless) and for the necessity of social controls. For example, the Azande will quickly blame any misfortune or accident on witchcraft unless there is clear evidence to suggest otherwise (Evans-Pritchard, 1978, p. 18). In the same way, people who are accused of being witches usually receive this accusation because they are defying the norms and behaviors that their culture expects. For instance, they are greedy, unpleasant and rude.
Among the Lugbara, illness is explained as resulting from a witch resenting the success of the sick person or because they had a quarrel with the sick person (Middleton, 1967, p. 59). The children were warned by their parents to avoid causing trouble by fighting, boasting or being rude, since the witches would get them if they did. They particularly pointed out that witches went after those who were selfish with food.
A fascinating example of the way that beliefs about witches adapted to changes in the culture of Africa can be seen in the fact that (by the 1950s) the color of the familiars of witches had changed. The colors changed to match the colors of the caste society established in South Africa in which marriage or sexual relations between Blacks and whites was a criminal offense (Wilson, 1951, p. 311).
It should be mentioned that belief in witchcraft did influence social control in Europe in certain limited ways. For instance, the incubus and succubus provided a convenient excuse for the sexual fantasies and illicit behaviors of both men and women. A second example of this can be seen in Scotland, where the government used a series of witchhunts during the 17th century as a method for controlling and punishing crime in general and religious crimes in particular. In short, a charge of witchcraft became a catchall for any number of crimes.
Another key aspect of witchcraft (found in both Africa and in Europe) was the ability of the witch in question to either leave his or her body or transform into another form. For instance, the Lugbara believe that a witch can go to sleep and enter into a victim's dreams as some terrifying animal, such as a snake or tiger. While in such forms, some African witches are believed to eat the dead, while others will also eat you while you are alive. In addition to changing forms, virtually all witches (either African or European) have familiars with which they work (Marwick, 1967, p. 108).
In conclusion, it should be recognized from the above that witchcraft as practiced in Europe in the past and in Africa today bear a great resemblance to one another in many ways. However, it also differed in a number of ways. Moreover, as Christianity moved into Northern Europe and absorbed the pagans and their faiths, witchcraft eventually became an illicit and forbidden thing in Europe. In Africa, positive magic was (and is) still acceptable. Finally, the belief in witchcraft served a number of societal purposes on both continents, including providing useful social controls.
References
Davies, O. (1999). Witchcraft, Magic and Culture 1736-1951. Manchester University Press: Manchester
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1976). Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande. Claredon Press: Oxford.
Hutton, R. (2002). The global context of the Scottish witch-hunt. In Goodare, J., The Scottish witch-hunt in context, Manchester University Press: Manchester, pp. 16-32.
Levack, B.P. (2002). The Decline and End of Scottish witch-hunting. In Goodare, J., The Scottish witch-hunt in context, Manchester University Press: Manchester, pp. 166- 181.
Luhrmann, T. M. (1989). Persuasions of the witch's craft: Ritual magic in contemporary England. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.
MacFarlane, A. (1970). Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England: A regional and comparative study. Routledge& Kegan Paul: London
Mayer, P. (1954). Witches. In Marwick, M. (1970). Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings, Penguin Books Ltd: Middlesex, pp. 54-70.
Marwick, M. G. (1967). The Sociology of Sorcery in a Central African Tribe. In Middleton, J., Magic, Witchcraft, and Curing, The Natural History Press: New York, pp. 101-126.
Middleton, J. (1967). The Concept of “Bewitching” in Lugbara. In Middleton, J., Magic, Witchcraft, and Curing, The Natural History Press: New York, pp. 55-67
Midelfort, H. C. (1972). The Social Position of the Witch in Southwestern Germany. In Marwick, M. (1970). Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings, Penguin Books Ltd: Middlesex, pp. 174-189.
Wilson, M. (1951). Witch Beliefs and Social Structure. The American Journal of Sociology 56 (4): 307-313
