Introduction
The world of today is characterized by an abundance of plural societies, where people from different cultures, languages, races, and ethnicities coexist in a spirit of tolerance and harmony. The majority of these civilizations have experienced diversity as a result of particular global phenomena, including slavery, colonization, and immigration among others. The existence of assorted racial and ethnic factions in the contemporary society presents a challenge of inclusion and participation in diverse national issues, especially political processes. Obviously, indigenous groups reserve and exert the greatest influence as far as participation and inclusion in political processes in host countries are concerned compared to immigrant groups. However, due to concerted efforts toward the integration of immigrant groups in the political processes as well as in other social and cultural paradigms, the reality is slowly transforming, and now most host countries experience active political inclusion and participation by the diverse immigrant groups living there. This fact has been made possible by the increasing global multiculturalism, where almost all societies in the world are characterized by a rich racial and ethnic diversity. This paper explores the aspect of immigrant integration into the political processes in both the Canadian and American societies and highlights the areas of similarity and difference between the two nations.
Summary of Sources
In the article by Harles (2004), the issue of immigrant integration in Canada and the United States is the main subject of discussion. While assuming multiculturalism as the official integrative strategy in both societies, it argues that concerns to reconcile socially and politically among the diverse ethnic groups are the driving force of this integrative strategy. However, the article presents factual evidence that demonstrates that the Canadian society is more vibrant and progressive with regard to the integration of immigrant populations into the local political participation compared to the American society, where the participation of immigrant populations in the country’s politics is undermined by the absence of federal recognition of multiculturalism.
The article by Berry (2011) examines how multiculturalism and integration enhance social solidarity in the Canadian society as well as in other plural societies globally. In particular, it focuses on the individual and group dimensions of integration within the Canadian multicultural social fabric.
In the article by Armony, Barriga, and Schugurensky (2004), the authors explore the experience of Latin American immigrants as far as citizenship learning and political participation are concerned in both the Canadian and American societies. In particular, the research explores the tensions, continuities, and ruptures in the political participation and lifelong citizenship learning experienced by Latin American immigrants.
Descriptive and Explanatory Analysis
Undoubtedly, integration into the social, economic, and political affairs of the host country is one of the major concerns faced by immigrants the world over. In Canada and the United States, immigrants from Latin America are not an exception to this reality, and their process of integration into the two countries’ political processes has been a subject of numerous articles. According to Harles (2004), Canada has made progressive moves as far as the recognition of multiculturalism as a national concern and aspect is concerned. Notably, after the adoption of the Official Languages Act in 1969, which recognized French and English as the dominant languages in Canada’s public institutions, the national government, in 1971, formally embraced multiculturalism (Harles, 2004). This move was meant to assure immigrant groups belonging to lineages different from that of Anglo-Irish or French that they, too, were part of the Canadian society, especially the political aspect. Initially, this multiculturalism policy was guided by four main objectives, including cultural exchange and appreciation, the elimination of cultural barriers to full political participation in Canada, funding by the state toward activities geared toward cultural maintenance, and the official training of immigrants in the English and French languages. However, by the mid-1980s, the emphasis of the policy shifted to encompass racial and ethnic equality and cultural diversity (Harles, 2004). For example, in 1965, almost 80 percent of immigrants to Canada were of European origin but by 2004, almost 70 percent of all immigrants came from Asia, Africa, and Latin America (Harles, 2004). In fact, by the 1990s, almost three-quarters of all immigrants to Canada came from visible minority populations.
According to Berry (2011), the integration of immigrant groups takes many forms and shapes. With Canada and the United States being among the plural societies of today’s world, they are obliged to recognize multiculturalism as a reality of the modern society (Sam & Berry, 2010). Indeed, there has been a long-standing assumption that diversity in the global plural societies will disappear eventually. It is partly ascribed to the idea that contact between cultures is a creative and reactive process that generates new values and customs, which eventually stimulate resistance. However, studies indicate that a majority of Canadians embrace multiculturalism as the way that makes it possible for ethnocultural and immigrant populations to coexist peacefully.
According to the results of a first national survey, 64 percent of Canadians embraced multiculturalism, and this figure rose to 69 percent in the second one (Berry, 2011). The variations in support for the multiculturalism ideology could be traced to the characteristics of Canadians of French origin living in Quebec, who had lower levels of education and income, and were found to demonstrate lower acceptance of the ideology than other groups. In contrast, Canadians of French origin living outside of Quebec showed a higher support of multiculturalism.
In comparison to the United States, a study of Chinese-American immigrants revealed that the number of years a person had lived in a Chinese-dominated society and those they have been a U.S. resident were important factors that influenced their integration into the host country’s political processes (Berry, 2011).
Irrespective of the differences between the Canadian and American societies as far as the integration of immigrants into the host country’s political processes is concerned, empirical findings demonstrate that the achievement of social solidarity is possible among culturally diverse populations coexisting in modern plural societies (Berry, 2011).
According to Armony, Barriga, and Schugurensky (2004), there are fundamental differences in the integration of immigrant groups into political processes between Canada and the United States. Indeed, the integration of immigrant groups into the local political processes is a major issue of concern in both contexts. For example, in Canada, the multicultural character of the society is far from being properly reflected in the political landscape of the country. Indeed, only a handful of elected officials at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels are members of racial and ethnic minority groups. According to Armony, Barriga, and Schugurensky (2004), the participation of immigrant groups in the political processes of the host country may take different forms and shapes, including participation in direct actions, such as making financial contributions, following political events via the media; participation in membership activities, such as voting in political parties; and participation in non-membership activities, such as electoral campaigns. For some immigrant groups, such as the Latin American immigrants, political participation, inclusion, and integration include a linguistic dimension as well.
For example, in Canada, the study of local integration policies and political integration of immigrants in the upper professional cadre in Quebec showed that the local municipalities adhered to the national integration models (Armony, Barriga, & Schugurensky, 2004). Most importantly, hometown associations were found to play a fundamental role in the settlement and political integration of immigrants into the Canadian society. For example, in one study, it was revealed that Ghanaians living in Toronto had created a network of townships and ethnic associations, a step that encouraged civic and political participation (Owusu, 2000).
In contrast, the integration of immigrant groups into the United States, especially the Latin American immigrants, has traditionally been complicated by a host of other issues and concerns, such as the intercultural and interethnic differences with regard to their socialization (Armony, Barriga, & Schugurensky, 2004). In this regard, several studies have revealed that there are inter-group differences that greatly undermine the process of integrating immigrant groups into the political fabric of the American society. For example, the notable differences between Pakistani and Indian immigrants into Canada and the United States find their origins in the historical animosity between these two communities back from their home countries (Leonard, 2000).
Summary and Conclusion
Political integration into the host country’s political processes remains one of the major concerns of immigrant groups worldwide. Canada and the United States as some of the renowned plural civilizations of the modern society are inclined to embrace the ideology of multiculturalism as a critical step to embracing racial and ethnic diversity. Indeed, numerous articles have paid attention to the pluralistic nature of the modern society and how the political integration of immigrant groups enhances the multiculturalism ideology. In Canada and the United States, the integration of diverse immigrant groups into the local political landscape has taken different forms and shapes. Even though Canada appears to have recognized multiculturalism as a national phenomenon at the federal level, the country still has more to do as regards integrating minority groups into its political processes at all levels of government. With regard to the United States, the absence of federal recognition of multiculturalism might be a factor that makes the integration of immigrant groups into the country’s political fabric a challenge.
References
Armony, V., Barriga, M., & Schugurensky, D. (2004). Citizenship learning and political participation: The experience of Latin American immigrants in Canada. Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 29(57-58), 17-38.
Berry, J. W. (2011). Integration and multiculturalism: Ways toward social solidarity. Papers on Social Representations, 20(2), 1-20.
Harles, J. C. (2004). Immigrant integration in Canada and the United States. The American Review of Canadian Studies, 34(2) 223-258.
Leonard, K. (2000). State, culture, and religion: Political action and representation among South Asians in North America. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 9(1), 21-38.
Owusu, T. Y. (2000). The role of Ghanaian immigrant associations in Toronto, Canada.
International Migration Review, 1155-1181.
Sam, D. L., & Berry, J. W. (2010). Acculturation when individuals and groups of different cultural backgrounds meet. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5(4), 472-481.