(Institute/University)
Abstract
Nothing offends a society and community’s sense of morals and safety than instances where the most vulnerable of the community are subjected to brutal and crimes that define reason. Various agencies played significant parts in the perception of sexual felons as brutal, unfeeling and callous “brutes” out for the satisfaction of their own perverted carnal pleasures. However, research shows that what the media and other agencies reported tend to skew a proper study and comprehension of the proper understanding of what actually comprises sexual deviance. In addition, the public’s understanding of sexual felony is mainly founded on media reports linking brutal crimes to activities that are classified as sexual felonies but do not actually inflict harm on another person. Hence, a number of “benign” criminal activities are bundled together with the more acerbic, severe types of sexual felonies. The paper seeks to study sexual felonies as well as the proper understanding of sexual felons and the efficacy of treatment regimens in addressing the issue.
Key Words: Treatment, Sexual Offender, Sexual Crimes
Introduction
Recidivist sex felons have a significant impact on social agendas and the perception of women regarding the risks to their security and safety. Nevertheless, even though women fear for their safety, there has been little done by way of studies on reoffending rates as well as the traits of sexual delinquents. In order to fill in the loopholes in the research, Lievore (2004, p. 7) seeks to determine the prevailing literature regarding rates of reoffending and the threat factors that foresees whether the person is prone to sexual offense recidivism.
The apprehension of women is premised on the concept that sexual offenses are committed by a small sector of repetitive, sexually aberrant offenders. However, the perception of risk from this sector is somehow disproportionate to the actual threat rates to them. Majority of victims were attacked by people known to them, and not by strangers; moreover, public records on recidivism point to a low rate of reoffending among sexual offenders (Lievore, 2004, p. 7).
The rationale for the policies that critically limit the daily affairs of sexual felons is premised on the assumption that these are by nature uncontrollable reoffenders, and without administration or therapy the recidivism will be inevitable. Withal, there is a growing consensus that not all sexual offenders will recidivate. There is a general perception among the public that all sexual offenders will reoffend owing to their nature. With the growing number of offenses being listed as sexual offenses-from urinating in public to sexual assault-it is critical to assess the heterogeneity of sexual felons in connection to their potential to reoffend (Blokland and Lussier, 2015, pp. 375-376).
Though the numbers of these offenders are relatively low, there is a reasonable belief that violent reoffenders are present in any society and demographic; though as a society the norms of innocence and that punishment comes after a finding of culpability. Nonetheless, society is also fearful of the risks that lurk in the society and the future vulnerability of law abiding citizens from these deviant elements. This is highly evinced in the instance of high-risk sexual offenders that have been found guilty of violent crimes as their previous sentences are nearing its end and are believed to be seeking to reintegrate themselves into their native communities (Gelb, 2007, p. 1).
Among the most prevalent areas of research is the efficacy of treatment regimens in decreasing the possibility of recidivist offending among sexual felons. The efficacy of therapy for sexual felons has been evaluated in the area of individual research as well as in amalgamated studies. In the study of Hanson and his colleagues (2002), it was evinced that the engagement of therapy regimens had a small but numerically important decrease in general as well as sexual reoffending.
In addition, Hanson also reported that contemporary research and therapy regimens were seen to have a positive impact on the subject, whereas the older regimens, though still having a positive effect, showed smaller but statistically minor increase in sexual crime reoffending (Przbylski, 2015, p. 2). In this light, several questions must be asked in regards to the topic. The first is whether sexual offenders are latent recidivists, that the labels attached to them are justified. The second is whether treatments are effective mechanisms in reducing reoffending rates.
Thesis statement
Sexual offender recidivism is improperly framed, often lacking empirical basis and proper research and study to determine actual threat.
Body of the work
Sexual felons are framed as violent mainly on the context that the offenses for which these were incarcerated are generally defined by the states as such. In the definition established by state jurisprudence, “violent” is identified as “the use of force or threatened use of force in the commission of the crime, or while not engaging force, the felon did not acquire the victim’s consent.” State laws attach various definitions to acerbic sexual crimes. Terms such as “statutory rape,” “forcible rape,” “criminal sexual misconduct,” “carnal abuse,” and “unlawful sexual intercourse” are among the terms state criminal justice systems associate with sexual crimes (Langan, Schmitt, and Durose, 1994, p. 3).
Definition of terms
Langan, Schmitt, and Durose (1994) notes that there must be distinctions of the terms and concepts to be able to gain a better understanding of the topic at hand; for example, there is a distinction between the terms “violent sex offenses” and “nonviolent sex offenses” and “commercialized sex offenses.” “Nonviolent sexual crimes” include those against public morals and decency; voyeurism and exhibitionism are among these offenses, as well as bigamy and bestiality. “Commercialized sexual offenses” include pimping and pornography (p. 5).
Is sexual offending innate or labeled?
One of the critical premises in applying the labeling method in recidivism is the idea of “secondary deviance.” The concept avers that people will embody labels so much that the person will even commit and practice behaviors that are consistent with the label. With notification components, these labels are further strengthened and assume that the offender will pursue this course (Maddan, 2008, p. 74). Nonetheless, though there are strong assumptions that sexual felons will reoffend, rearrests and reconviction statistics for sexual offenders are low.
Statistics for recidivism are affected by the manner and the time that reoffending is calculated. To cite an example the understanding of what comprises recidivism may include sexual recidivism, hostile “non-sexual reoffending,” and all types of reoffending. In addition, the statistics may be taken at different stages of the processing of the individual through the system. Majority of studies measure reconviction as the start of recidivism; this is seen as a better reference point than re-arrest. In addition, this is also a better indicator of culpability on the part of the offender as well as indicative to more dangerous reasons for the offender’s re-entry into the system (Lievore, 2004, pp. 25-26).
Belligerent conduct among sexual felons who sexually attack women has motivated a number of scholars and analysts to conclude that sexual felons are innately given to hostility towards women. There are bases for this perception; however, prevailing literature in the subject points to a completely variegated process that contributed to violent sexual reoffending. Sexual violence committed against women is buttressed by processes ranging from the micro to the macro aspects of social interaction.
It is indicative of the prevailing social norms that tolerate sexual aggressiveness in the males and are supported by a number of socially tolerated practices such violent lewd videos. Sexual predation against women have taken on the mantle of entertainment by a wide range of visual mediums, inclusive of exaggerated news reports on violent crimes against women committed by gangs or serial felons.
The fear of women against falling victim to sexual assault is premised also on the factor that sexual assaults are done by a small number of chronic serial rapists distinguished by their abnormal sexual preferences and pathological traits. Nonetheless, though the current perception is that these comprise only a small percentage of the overall population, the impact on the sense of exposure and vulnerability is significant, given the incessant linking of media to highly sensationalized accounts of brutal sexual assaults (Lievore, 2004, p. 9).
The media vilifies sexual felons by way of exaggerated news accounts; these in turn aid politicians in gaining support for stringent laws. Nonetheless, these do not deal with the fundamental issues impacting the topic. Rather than singularly focusing an inordinate amount of attention and resources on demonizing sex felons, there must be an increase in the research for the development and engagement of therapy centered regimens to determine and address the primary causes of sexual offending (Facts on File, 2008, pp. 36-37).
Having been arrested and found guilty of a sexual assault can be regarded as a “label,” it is noted that “official labeling” must be regarded as a determinant in assessing the possibility of reoffending. Nonetheless, there is no verifiable evidence that such a practice-“sex offender registration” policies and notification policies-will greatly contribute to increasing the risk for recidivist sexual offenses. In this light, the overwhelming proportion of sexual attackers is males. With regards to gender and labeling factors, gender proved to be a non-factor to possible reoffending potential; rather, females were shown to be more impacted by “informal” labeling rather than “official” labeling (Maddan, 2008, pp. 76-79).
In response to the public’s fears regarding the threat of sexual felons, lawmakers adopted “sex offender registration laws” geared to monitor and restrict felons who had been found guilty of these crimes. The passing of Megan’s Law (1996) and Jessica’s Law (2005) were founded on responses to highly-publicized cases. Nonetheless, the severity of the penalties levied on offenders is not based on empirical evidence of the offenders’ threat to society, but rather on the perception of the society molded by the media’s depiction of the crime (Blokland and Lussier, 2015, pp. 375-376). Heroux (2011) avers that even with these laws, the American public will not be safer from the threat of sexual felons (Heroux, 2011).
Treatments as possible reduction mechanism
The basic function of sex felon rehabilitation programs is to decrease the possibility of reoffending. There are programs such as addressing deficiencies in social skills, such as a dearth in empathy and flawed anger resolution faculties. However, it must be noted that a number of options are draconian in nature. Among these options are “psychosurgery,” where the region of the brain associated with sexual urges is destroyed; “surgical castration” and the administration of “antiandrogens” and “hormonal agents” have also shown promise in addressing sexual crimes; the latter treatment, when combined with psychological regimens, have proven to be most effective (Song and Lieb, 1994, p. 8).
Policy initiatives as well criminal justice system feedbacks addressing sexual felonies on predicting and reducing opportunities for recidivism is generally accomplished by extended periods of imprisonment. The recognition of the courts regarding the severity of sexual assaults is seen in focused punishment and incarceration of sexual predators; however, the punishment will be rendered ineffective until such time that the offender is equipped with “pro-social skills” in order to counter the person’s anti-social disposition.
Alternative options found within the community setting proffers that sexual reoffending can be addressed by mental treatment regimens given within the psychological treatment system. It is acknowledged that by themselves, punitive measures and therapy regimens will yield significant improvements in the statistical area of reducing sexual reoffending; it is also held that these changes can be effected when the two sectors actively collaborate and coordinate their efforts.
Simply put, when the rehabilitation of the offender is achieved in custodial scenarios and the therapies are set in a restorative structure, it is here when there is the most potential for the sexual offender to be restored. In this light, offenders that qualify to established standards and criterions will be allowed to participate in “dedicated treatment programs” operated within the correctional mechanism. The therapy can be accomplished by health care providers, individual counselors, or community based groups (Lievore, 2004, p.74).
Withal, the public believes that sexual offenders will scoff at participating in therapy regimens. However, there is evidence that of those that did participate, treatment regimens have had a significant positive effect on reducing sexual reoffending rates. The potency of the programs is dependent on the needs of the felon; conservative to high requirements will be accomplished within a medium to maximum detention facility. Offenders with low treatment requirements will generally with low potency programs or will be matched with agencies and organizations in the community (John Howard Society of Alberta, 2016).
Recommendations and Findings
Therapy regimens for sexual felons, specifically in the area of cognition and behavioral aspects as well as in re-offense prevention programs, can deliver reductions in both sexual and non-sexual recidivism rates. Nonetheless, treatment does not impact all offenders in a uniform manner. In this light, instead of following a “one program fits all” methodology, therapy regimes must be tailor fit to the requirements, threat and application dynamics to specific offenders (Przybylski, 2015).
In addition, monitoring and follow up activities will aid in further decreasing the threat of sexual felony recidivism in tracking the progress and the movements of the subject. These activities will also help the subject in getting gainful employment, acquire the necessary substance abuse treatment regimens as well as find decent housing options; all of these options are integral components in the agenda of the offender in avoiding instances where possible reoffending can occur (Heroux, 2011).
Conclusion
Incarceration can help in affording optimal environments wherein sex felons can be restored and at the same time society can exact its punishment. Therapy regimens in prison can help in the restoration of the offender as well as remedy the effects of long term imprisonment. In addition, it must be noted that dangerous sexual predators have a history of victimization that can provide complexities in their restorative programs. It is recommended that support and therapy agents and organizations resolve these issues aside from the rehabilitation of the offender. Lastly, individualized therapy regimens must be retained in order to optimize the treatment regimens being provided for the offender (Gelb, 2007, p. 39).
References
Blokland, A. J., and Lussier, P (2015) Sex offenders: a criminal career approach. New York: John Wiley and Sons
Facts on File (2008) Sentencing sex offenders. New York: Infobase Publishing
Gelb, K (2007) “Recidivism of sex offenders” Retrieved 5 February 2016 from <https://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/RecidivismofSexOffendersResearchPaper.pdf
Heroux, P (2011) “Sex offenders: recidivism, re-entry policy and facts” Retrieved 5 February 2016 from <http://www.huffingtonpost.com/paul-heroux/sex-offenders-recidivism_b_976765.html
John Howard Society of Alberta (2016) “Sex offender recidivism” Retrieved 5 February 2016 from <http://www.johnhoward.ab.ca/pub/C24.htm
Langan, P.A., Schmitt, E.L., and Durose, M.R (2003) “Recidivism of sex offenders released from prison in 1994” Retrieved 5 February 2016 from <http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/rsorp94.pdf
Lievore, D (2004) “Recidivism of sexual assault offenders: rates, risk factors, and treatment efficacy” Retrieved 5 February 2016 from <http://www.aic.gov.au/media_library/archive/publications-2000s/recidivism-of-sexual-offenders-rates-riskfactors-andtreatment-efficacy.pdf
Maddan, S (2008) The labeling of sex offenders: the unintended consequences of the best intentioned public policies. Lanham, MD: University Press of America
Przybylski, R (2015) “The effectiveness of treatment for adult sexual offenders” Retrieved 5 February 2016 from <http://www.smart.gov/pdfs/TheEffectivenessofTreatmentforAdultSexualOffenders.pdf
Song, L., and Lieb, R (1994) “Adult offender recidivism: a review of studies” Retrieved 5 February 2016 from <http://www.wsipp.wa.gov/ReportFile/1161
