Rituals exist as part of a predetermined behavior for events and societal situations concerning the belief in mystical beings and societal structure. Ritual behavior follows the use of symbols as specific properties of information and meaning. They can be objects, relationships, words, events, and activities. For instance, prayer and churches are part of the Christian ritual. National anthems and loyalty pledges are also symbols to a ritual in support of one’s nation. Therefore, a ritual is a stereotypical sequence of events that involves symbols designed to influence entities and forces on behalf of participants and their interests. While ritual does not free individuals from the constraints of authority and social structure, its failure results in a decline in belief.
There exist a great interdependence between ritual and authority. Emmrich (2004) suggests that individuals partake in rituals as a way of appealing to authority be it a mystical being on real life nobilities. That said, every society sets aside elements that will enable it to run such events. These elements include special days, symbols, and officiators. They, however, limit society members to participate similar ritual as a sign of conformity to authority and structure. Every member of this society also takes up an active role as a show that they agree with the status quo. That is, participation is not by choice but a must and by way of life. In essence, revealed and perceived penalties exist for individuals that fail or refuse to partake in ritual.
For instance, Wolf (1990) studied the extent to which ritual ties individuals to the constraints of authority and social structure in Peihotien, a remote Taiwanese village in the Taipei basin. In this article, Wolf tells the story of a Mrs. Chen, who displayed shamanistic behavior. Mrs. Chen’s behavior constituted lurching out of her home, wailing, and stumbling across a rice paddy. The residents of Peihotien had to make a decision on whether she had the qualifications of speaking to the gods or just mentally ill. Upon scrutiny, however, they labeled her crazy because of her minority status in the village’s social structure (1990: 419-430).
Therefore, it would appear that there would be no belief in the event of a ritual failure. As shown in the introductory paragraph ritual is an important component of any belief system. This interdependence means that there must be ritual for any belief system to exist. In his study on the 2004 Red Matsyendranatha, Lalitpur Nepal, Emmrich states that “the drama of breakdown is part of the ritual event, and it is in this ritual that the broken can be mended (2007: 160).” To best explain this ethnographic phenomenon, one has to look at the important of the repairable ritual aspect in religion. Rituals exist in religion concerning ideologies, doctrines, officiators, and the mystical being. Therefore, ritual unites the societal fabric that subscribes to a belief system.
Given such sentiments, it follows that a failure in ritual would result in a brief or complete decline in belief. For instance, Geertz (1957) uses the functional theory to study the role of ritual in affirming the constraints tied to authority on normal social functioning. This ethnographic event happened at a funeral in Modjokuto, Eastern Central Java. Here, the death of a small boy followed a hurried and subdued burial ceremony according to Javanese customs. However, the event resulted in an extended period of dire psychological tension and social strain. The intergenerational ritual and belief system had failed to work for this boy. Thus, this event worked as a lesson that would result in a decline in the belief system over time.
In conclusion, this essay proves that while ritual does not free individuals from the constraints of authority and social structure, its failure results in a decline in belief. The discussion presents an analytical view of how ritual constitutes, develops, and affirms authority, social structures, and belief. Particularly, it is through the ritual that society reproduces the ideals of individual and group identity. The developed sense of recognition not only enhances belief but also subjects one to the constraints of authority and social structure.
Bibliography
Emmrich, C. 2007. All the King's Horses and all the King's Mean: the 2004 red Matsyendranatha incident in Lalitpur. In When rituals go wrong: mistakes, failure and the dynamics of ritual, Ute Husken, 133-164. Leiden; Boston: Brill.
Geertz, C. 1957. Ritual and Social Change: A Javanese Example. American Anthropologist, 59, 32-54.
Wolf, M. 1990. Woman Who Didn't Become a Shaman. American Ethnologist, 17 (3), 419-430.
