Introduction
Over the years, it has been widely accepted that disparities in racial, ethnic and socioeconomic status exist in the population of individuals with convicted felony. Also, these trends have been found to be interconnected with each other. Various researches have been made to explore the correlation of these trends and the consequences of being a victim as well as the effects of having criminal record to the offender and to the society (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 1-2). For example, criminal sanctions and victimizations often result to a disadvantage that worsens their social status because of discrimination in the society, prohibitions in employment and denial of services, which further results to poverty (Pinard, 2010, p. 489). Racial disparities among convicted felons also are an issue. It has been found that the magnitude of incarceration depends on race and ethnicity. This predisposition again results to social stratification and poverty (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 4-9). Thus, racial, ethnic and socioeconomic statuses are interconnected with each other and crime plays a necessary role in this interplay.
Variations among Convicted Felons
For the past 30 years, the crime rate in the US has shown significant increase. For example, relative to 1.8 million people under correctional supervision in 1980, an increase of about 380% was seen in 2003, or approximately 6.9 million people were under correctional supervision. Moreover, the incarceration rate increased dramatically from 149 per 100,000 adults in 1974 to 729 per 100,000 adults in 2005. The number of probationers and parolees increased as well – from 1.1 million probationers and 220,000 parolees in 1980 to 4 million probationers and 775,000 parolees in 2003. Therefore, the population of convicted felons has been in an exponential growth (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 4-5).
The increase in the population of felons in the US helped in a series of studies showing racial and ethnic disparities among convicted felons. These disparities could be explained by two factors, one being the differences in the rates of offenses across groups, and second being the differences in the treatment of these groups (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 9).
The differences in the rates and types of offenses across groups are believed to be a major factor of racial and ethnic disparities among convicted felons. This could be explained by the fact that crime and violence is a factor of street credibility, social disorganization, social isolation and residential segregation. This further leads to the fact that intra-racial crimes are more prominent than inter-racial crimes. For example, rate of homicide victimization and offending is higher among African American males than any other groups. Furthermore, 80% of young African American men were killed by other young African American men (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 10).
Another factor that explains racial and ethnic disparities among convicted felons is because of the differences in the treatment among groups. Various studies suggest that the treatment of African American and Hispanic American criminal defendants is harsher than that of their White counterparts by the police, the judges and the parole and release boards. Therefore, the differences in the rate and type of offenses across groups, and the differences in the treatment of convicted felons depending on racial and ethnic groups explain the racial and ethnic disparities among convicted felons (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 10-11).
Variations in the punishment of crimes suggest economic deprivation. Various surveys suggest that most of the inmates fall under the group with low level of education. More specifically, less than a third of the convicted felons have a high school diploma before the time of interview. Furthermore, significant amount in the population of convicted felons don’t have a full-time job. Comparing the population of felons in poverty, less than 100,000 prisoners in 1974 increased dramatically to over 600,000 in 2003. Although it suggests that prisoners have always been poor, it also suggests that crimes have been increasing among the poor (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 11-14).
Furthermore, poverty among the incarcerated population is linked to race and ethnicity. Various studies suggest that poor and non-educated young African American men are more likely to be incarcerated. The number of incarcerated poor African Americans is increasing with a rate of 2% in 1974 to over 10% in 2002. In general, the variations in the incarceration rate are explained by the bias system that the poor is more likely to be incarcerated than the wealthy (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 14). Nonetheless, significant amount of convicted felons come from the poor and the disadvantaged population.
The Effects of Having Felon Status
The punishment from crimes is believed to be existent even after the service or sentence. First of all, the criminal status greatly affects the social paradigm of the convicted felons and their families upon release. Also, the status limits the felon from having several services, such as educational loans, and limits the type of jobs they can apply for. Furthermore, their right to vote is affected (this varies among states) (Pinard, 2010, p. 489).
Upon release, the people with criminal records face socioeconomic problems. First, it should be noted that their lifetime earning decreases because of the time they spent on service or in jail. An average of four and a half year worth of earning is lost to the general incarcerated population (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 16). Second, individuals with criminal status are faced with limitations and restrictions in employment and other services. For example, an individual with criminal records can no longer apply for some jobs because some employment sectors approve only those without criminal records. Also, an individual with criminal record loses some of his or her public benefits. The criminal status implies ineligibility in some of the services such as cash assistance and public housing assistance (Pinard, 2010, p. 489-494).
The restrictions and limitations of the people with criminal status further leads to economic deprivation. The bans on employment and educational services just worsen their status. Therefore, the restrictions and limitations not only reduce reintegration and reentry but also worsen the inequality in the labor sector (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 18).
The effects of having criminal records affect the future of an individual. This is because having a criminal record is a lifetime record. Studies show that people with criminal records are less likely to be called back after application while African Americans are more likely to be screened out in the entry level of the job application. Therefore, the combination of racial discrimination and felon status further worsens the social stratification and poverty (Wheelock and Uggen, 2006, p. 23-24).
Conclusion
Social stratification and poverty is a major factor of disparities in the racial, ethnic and socioeconomic statuses of convicted felons. Racial and ethnic disparities among convicted felons are evident because of the differences in the type and rate of offenses among groups, and because of the differences in the treatment of convicted felons. The differences in the type and rate of offenses among groups are explained by the fact that crime is a factor of street credibility, social isolation, social disorganization and residential segregation. While the differences in the treatment of convicted felons explains the significant difference in the incarceration rate depending on race and wealth. Variations in the punishment also suggest economic deprivation, and it could be seen in the significant amount of convicted felons with low level education and employment status. This is further explained by the fact that jurisdiction is biased basing on race and wealth. While the punishment lasts until the service or sentence ends, the people with criminal records face challenges upon reentry to the society. This is because of various limitations and restrictions implied by having criminal records. These includes bans on educational loans, housing and cash assistance, denial of military benefits and restrictions on type of employment, which further exacerbates socioeconomic status. Therefore, having criminal record is a lifetime punishment rather than a finite sentence.
References:
Wheelock, D. and Uggen, C. (2006). Race, Poverty and Punishment: The Impact of Criminal Sanctions on Racial, Ethnic, and Socioeconomic Inequality. University of Minnesota: National Poverty Center Working Paper Series
Pinard, M. (2010). Collateral Consequences of Criminal Convictions: Confronting Issues of Race and Dignity. University of Maryland School of Law: New York University Law Review
