There are many facets of Europe that many foreigners find endearing and appealing: the rich culture, history, tradition, food and unchartered or undiscovered opportunities. While most find Europe the best place to travel and explore, many foreigners find the region to be filled with countless job opportunities that can help them financially and begin a new life. Although host countries, such as the members of the European Union, are open to migrants due to their contributions in their society; the high influx of migrants both illegal and legal is slightly alarming especially in the current financial crisis in the region. For countries considered a high hotspot for immigration such as Spain, its migration policy can either make or break its image in the European Union due to the domino effect these migrants may pose. Spain’s flexible and unique migration policy had been seen as the benchmark on improving migration cooperation within the European Union and improved Spanish recovery and growth, but it had also earned some criticism especially on the idea of regularization for illegal immigrants and the Europeanized reform it had to apply upon the dawn of the current financial crisis.
Since ancient history, Europe has played host to immigrants from all across the globe and upon the beginning of the 21st century, these migrants increased drastically no matter what reason they have for migrating. In the recent statistics of the European Commission (2014), immigration in the European Union of non-EU nationals in 2012 is about 1,170,665 people each year with China (including citizens from its Special Administrative Region, Hong Kong) ranking the highest migrant force in the region. The total percentage of non-EU nationals in EU member countries amount to 4% of the total population with 2,106,144 granted residency status for family (32%), work (23%), education (22%) and others (23%) . As far as EU migrants, who are permitted to move around EU member countries freely, Vargas-Silva (2012) stated that they amount to 35% of the total migrant stock of the EU countries since 2010. However, this number varies depending on the country as the total migrant stock for Luxembourg, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Ireland amount to almost 80% in the same year. Most of the EU migrants living in EU member countries have amounted about 622,000 per country, distributed mostly in Germany (3.7 million), Spain (2.5 million), France (2.4 million) and the United Kingdom (2.2 million). Some of the smaller countries – such as Malta, Slovenia, Estonia and Bulgaria – host 10,000 EU migrants each year .
As illustrated above, Spain hosts a high number of migrants either for work, family, education or other purposes. According to Palma-Martos and Martin-Navarro (2010), the results of the September 2005 Eurobarometer reading emphasized that the migration in Spain had grown to such extent that it is now the fifth most important issue for the country after issues such as unemployment, crime, economic stability and social health. In 2008, the issue on migration had been considered the third most important issue for the entire region. Spain’s high migration patterns are not a complete surprise considering the historical roots of its migrants. Most migrants often have Spanish ancestry or Spanish literacy due to Spain’s long history of colonization throughout the globe; while the rest are seeking employment, political asylum, refuge or new living environments. While there is a steady flow of immigrants to Spain, almost six million Spanish citizens left the country in favor for the richer Northern Europe and the United States. Regardless of these emigration rates, Spain is considered the best immigration hotspot in Europe for both illegal and legal migrants after the United States for a variety of reasons. First, Spain is portrayed as a quiet country with terrain well-suited for the rich and powerful who would wish to retire to its enchanting locations like Costa del Sol and the Balearic Islands. Spain had also attracted a high migrant count due to the manageable climate it has. Spain is also seen as the perfect location for specialized employment and a state-of-the-art health, education, and employment system that would sustain their families in accordance to the European standard. Given these factors, Spain has attracted almost 500,000 immigrants since 2001 and has increased greatly to match the United States’ immigration rate each year . While migration is not uncommon to Spain as one of Europe’s major migrant routes, Isusi and Corral (2007) reported that Spain also has troubles with illegal immigrants. In an estimate in 2005, the country has almost 1.3 million illegal immigrants and this number may not be as concrete due to the consistent increase in illegal immigrant numbers since the beginning of the 21st century. Most of these illegal immigrants add to the black economy of the country, practicing syndicalism and irregular stays in the country .
Spain’s attitude and strategy towards immigration are divided into three pillars: fighting illegal immigration, adapting immigration for the labor market and promote social integration. According to Tedesco (2010), Spain used its migration flows to fuel their foreign policy agenda towards the immigrant’s country of origin: allowing regulated migrant flows and bilateral partnerships. In 2001, for example, Spain signed various agreements regarding migration cooperation between Colombia, Ecuador, the Dominican Republic, and Morocco and Peru considering most of the region’s migrant citizens come from these countries. Spain used these agreements to share the management of these migrants, allowing Spain to regulate the large number of work opportunities that can be offered to the migrants wishing to escape their life from their countries of origins. With these immigrants fueling Spain’s industries, it now allows the Spanish government to deepen bilateral relations as immigration flows create dynamic partnerships between them and the main country of origin. These migration techniques incorporated by the Spanish government towards migration had been successful as it had allowed Spain to open itself to the world as it allowed them to see that Spain is open to share its economic growth while handling migrants. Latin American countries and Morocco are a testament to the effectiveness of Spain’s open migration policy as they have reached high economic growth with their agreement with Spain. The sub-Saharan African and Asian countries are also in partnership with Spain regarding migration, but it was it is yet to be perfected .
In addition to this, Pinyol (2008) cited that, under Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, he made migration one of the government’s major priorities in 2004. The socialist government wanted to revise policies on flow management and integration because of insecurity. Regularization, for the Zapatero government, would ensure that the impact of having illegal immigrants in the country would be alleviated. Zapatero’s government also wanted to make sure that areas such as Ceuta, Melilla and other Spanish migration hotspots would be well-guarded while strengthening bilateral relations. The Pro-European opposition, Partido Popular, was against the idea of regularization, but it had nonetheless triggered the debate on migrant regularization which the EU has yet to respond to in its current migration policy. Other European countries were also criticizing the Spanish government, especially then-Minister of the Interior for France Nicolas Sarkozy, who argued that regularization would not help the country and just increase irregular migrants in other EU countries. Germany’s Minister of the Interior Wolfgang Schaeuble had also criticized Spain because of their request for economic aid for the sake of external borders without asking their position on the regularization.
Nonetheless, this did not stop Spanish migration policy under Zapatero and even proposed new talks for cooperation between the Member States to improve their migration policy. Luxembourg, who was then the president of the EU in the period, had proposed the same thing between Member States that would ensure mutual information and early warning mechanisms to improve immigration and asylum policy. Spain had proposed the recognition of the irregular labor market in 2006, eventually getting its European neighbors to accept it as it would help in their fight in attacking syndicates and recruiters bringing in irregular workers. Furthermore, the other benefit of Spain’s unique migration policy had provided multilateral initiatives for the European integration, especially with the cooperation between them and the African countries on migration flows. Spain, France and Morocco had organized the Euro-African Ministerial Conference on Migration and Development in 2006, including it to their agenda alongside the Euro-Mediterranean Conference on Migration. Spain’s unique initiative on migration had allowed the EU to strengthen their immigration policies, discovering new forms of communication and dialogue between members. The Spanish government championed a revision to the EU’s traditional policies on immigration and opened new countries for migrants and recognizing other European countries in the process .
However, Tedesco (2010) cited that, with the financial crisis affecting the entire European region, Spain had to reorganize its migration patterns and their current migration population in accordance to the European Union’s standards. Brussels had remained quite vocal against Spain’s open and flexible migration policy, especially on regularizing illegal immigrants as they believe it would only pose consequences towards the remaining members of the EU. Germany and France had also criticized Spain for their actions, leaving Spain to begin the modification of its migrant policy. With the upsurge of immigrants despite the financial crisis, Spain itself had problems managing the migration flaws in a bilateral level while the EU tried its best to reduce the number of foreigners to the region. Spain’s difference with its peers had isolated the country from the rest of the EU member countries, leading to a change in position by the Spanish government. In March 2009, the Ministry of Work and Immigration ordered budget cuts regarding immigrant integration by 29.5%. Funds, which amounted to almost € 5.2 million, would be redirected to NGOs to allow programs for immigrants wishing to be returned back to their home countries. Spanish migration policy had then shifted to add more pillars: the return plan (for migrants wishing to return back home), the reform of its current immigration for its current migrant population, and EU measures such as the Return Directive and the Pact on Immigration and Asylum.
These EU applied measures had only caused some turmoil between the Spanish government and their partners for a variety of reasons. The Return Directive, which was approved on June 2008, harmonized the conditions for expelling illegal migrants throughout Europe and added a 18-month detention clause for those who did not allow themselves to be removed from EU territory. Many criticized the measure as it shamed the migrant force; Bolivian president Evo Morales even stressed it is a ‘directive of shame’. The Latin Americans also did not like Spain’s inclusion to the European Pact on Immigration and Asylum as it promoted the selection of migrant flows that would sustain the European labor market and end the regularization of illegal immigrants, something Spain was known for prior to the reform. The Spanish civil society themselves criticized the Pact, especially Spain’s Refugee Aid Commission and SOSO Racism as the Pact would only trigger undercapitalization and bolster emigration. The Pact, many argue, was also unjust especially towards the reason why there are immigrants. Since the Spanish government found themselves in a crossroads, they had to agree to the concessions of the EU in order to prevent the extremes reached by the Italian government when they tried to sustain their immigration policies . Aside from this, the once flexible migration system had also experienced some drawbacks according to Lopez-Sala (2013) once reform was introduced throughout the recession. Spain had recorded a decrease in the labor market and the economic climate as job offerings from the Quota System and the Special Catalogue of Vacant Jobs decreased to 168 in 2010 from the original 27,034 jobs in 2007. The Catalogue had also decreased its occupation categories to less than 20, removing job search visas. The economic recession had also triggered high numbers of unemployment, especially for permanent workers in 2011 and 2012. Budget cuts were also quite common due to the economic crisis .
Regardless of the shifts in migration policies and the ongoing recession, Spain’s migration policy upon the dawn of the recession had indicated that its system works. As far as its overall migration policy is concerned, Lopez-Sala (2013) cited that the Spanish migration model and policy had remained flexible despite heavy criticism and isolation. Border control, which had been intensified in 2006, had limited unauthorized arrivals in Spanish borders. The border police had also gained enough momentum from its number (16,375 personnel between 2003 and 2010) and capacity (reducing the number of expulsions to 8,196 from 2008 to 2010). Irregular immigration had also been the target of the flexible migration policy of the country as it had cited mechanisms that would improve the fight against counterfeit documents and smuggling networks. In 2006, the Spanish government created the Immigration Networks and Document Forgeries Unit to counter immigrants with false passports and the like. The European Security Strategy had even cited the benefits of such system, modeling their system to the Spanish model, including organized crime as a threat to countries on illegal immigrant flows. Victims of trafficking are also protected by the Aliens Law of 2009, allowing easy contacts between Spanish institutions on trafficking.
Resident immigrants were also given a high priority from the Spanish government, especially in 2011 when it was becoming evident that the economic crisis would impact Spain’s employment population. Almost 5 million had been left without jobs in Spain, and almost 24% of migrants were at risk in unemployment. Social programs such as the Integration and Citizenship Plan aimed to ensure that non-EU foreigners would be provided aid, and scholarship. The integration policy for migrants also remained unchanged, even applying new reforms for Aliens Law for family reunification and additional rights. Employability of these regular migrants, as well as new foreign workers, had been improved through the Aliens Law, eliminating restrictions and amending its program to allow easy access to the country despite the ailing European economy.
For those who wish to return to their home countries, Spain had added the Voluntary Return Plan for the unemployed immigrants, allowing them to receive compensation, through the form of insurance paid by the government in two installments allowing them to merge to their country of origin. However, many disagreed with this plan because Spain would use the money away from the country, and it was dangerous for those with legal residency status. The upheaval for the proposal had stopped because of the fact other nations, such as Ecuador, had established a similar program called the “Welcome home plan” and the “Cucayo fund” in order to assist migrants to return back to their home countries. At least 23, 000 people had already joined the program for their return to their home countries, mostly migrants from Latin American countries such as Ecuador, Colombia and Brazil. Recently, Spain had released “Plan estrategico de ciudadania e integracion 2011-2014”, which reinforces its current integration instruments and policies for migrants especially in terms of accessing public services within the country. The plan added some new measures on stopping illegal immigration, discrimination and promoted equal opportunities for all. It also aimed to improve integration on all public policies and open the channels for all migrants .
In terms of its impact to the Spanish economy, according to Tedesco (2010), within the span of 10 years, migrants had become 10% of the country’s total population, and the Spanish labor market is capable of absorbing these migrants. The government did not need to utilize an integration model similar to other EU country to sustain these migrants as their system was enough to sustain the expanding labor market and the immigrants became the key for Spanish economic growth due to the decline brought by low birth rates and the transformation of the outside world . Sanchez-Capitan, et al (2011) added that 60% of Spain’s overall economic growth had been attributed to its high number of immigrants working on Spain’s ailing industries. Economic growth enabled an increase of 32% or €23,000 per capital in 2010. Almost 15% foreign migrants had also aided in improving Spain’s industries through training and labor specializations. Immigration had also brought in a steady flow of economic activity despite the fact it is experiencing setbacks from the economic crisis and enable recovery. It is said that if Spain did not have a unique immigration policy as it is seen today, it would have brought Spain in its knees and experience the same impacts in Greece and other ailing European countries. Immigrants had also paved the way for job opportunities for Spanish people, especially for those who are open for training and skills specialization. Immigration had also opened doors for education and training, as well as the improvement of rights for both local and foreign laborers. Women are also given new opportunities within the very limited Spanish labor market since some migrants are now substituting for mothers on domestic duties. Diversity and job production had provided easy development and access to services for all . Considering these impacts, it is clear that Spain’s migration policy works and could be the key to allow recovery for other EU member countries.
Immigration can be seen both as a benefit for the host country and a deterrent considering how it would impact a particular country. In Europe, managing these migrants can be tricky especially because of the ongoing economic crisis in the Eurozone. Looking at Spain’s migration policy, especially under the tenure of its Prime Minister Zapatero, its open and integrating migration policy had ushered an understanding on how EU countries should see the benefit of migrants and how they can improve it. On the one hand, regulating migrant flows and adopting these migrants to the labor force may promote some irregularity for other EU countries. However, getting these migrants and opening cooperation between countries can help other EU countries to get migrants that can help in their industries. With Spain adding some revisions to its immigration policy to keep up with their neighbors for the sake of cooperation, it is seen that its migration policy remains capable of fueling economic recovery and sustaining migrants despite the ailing economy.
Works Cited
European Commission. "Immigration in the EU." 2014. Web. 21 May 2014. <http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/e-library/docs/infographics/immigration/migration-in-eu-infographic_en.pdf>.
Isusi, Inigo and Antonio Corral. "Employment and working conditions of migrant workers – Spain." 5 May 2007. European Working Conditions Observatory. Web. 21 May 2014. <http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/ewco/studies/tn0701038s/es0701039q.htm>.
Lopez-Sala, Ana. "Managing Uncertainty: Immigration Policies in Spain during Economic Recession (2008-2011)." Migraciones Internacionales 7.2 (2013): 39-69. Print.
Palma-Martos, Maria and Jose Luis Martin-Navarro. "Globalization and migration flows: some effects of immigration on the Spanish labor market in the last decade." Secțiunea Ştiințe Economice (2010): 273-290. Print.
Pinyol, Gemma. Spain's Immigration Policy as a new instrument of external action. Monograph of the Observatory of European Foreign Policy No. 4. Barcelona: Institut Universitari d'Estudis Europeus, 2008. Print.
Sanchez-Capitan, Jesus, et al. The Contribution of Immigration to the Spanish Economy: Evidences and Future Prospects. Report. Madrid: IDEAS Foundation for Progress, 2011. Print.
Tedesco, Laura. Immigration and Foreign Policy: The Economic Crisis and its Challenges. Policy Brief No. 25. Madrid: Foundation for International Relations and Foreign Dialogue, 2010. Print.
Vargas-Silva, Carlos. EU Migrants in other EU Countries: An Analysis of Bilateral Migrant Stocks. Migration Observatory Briefing. Oxford: COMPAS, University of Oxford, 2012. Document. 20 May 2014. <http://www.migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/sites/files/migobs/EU%20migrant%20stocks.pdf>.
