Introduction
In the end of the World War II, in Tropical and South Africa there were only three independent states: Ethiopia, Liberia and South African Union. In central and western Africa there were French, British, Belgian and Spanish colonies. The USSR and the United States at once supported the process of decolonization in Africa, because both had no colonies on the continent, and the weakening of European countries met their interests. Thus, the national liberation movements in Africa long before the independence enlisted the support of the US and the Soviet Union that began a struggle for a new international political space. In this paper, we examine the role and place of Tropical and South Africa in the Soviet-U.S. bipolar confrontation and determine which results the same superpowers and their African puppet regimes eventually obtained.
Soviet Strategy
After the dissolution of the Comintern until the mid 1950s the countries of the South did not occupy a significant place in the Soviet geopolitics. Activation of the USSR in the Tropical and South Africa began at the second half of the 1950s, after the Bandung Conference of Afro-Asian peoples and the proclamation of the independence of Ghana. The program of the Communist Party on the national liberation movement proclaimed it as one of the main anti-imperialist forces. During the Cold War, the Soviet Union vigorously fought for influence in the African country, confronting the West, and in the early 1960s China.
At the turn of the 1950s and 1960s, in the public and cultural institutions and organizations of the Soviet Union, there were created African departments and sectors. The Central Committee of the CPSU got its Africa sector, Ministry of Foreign Affairs was broaden by African department, while at the USSR Academy of Sciences there was formed the Institute of Africa. In addition to the existing long-Department of African Studies of Leningrad State University there was established the Department of African Studies at the Moscow State University as well as the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. There were founded the Soviet Committee for Solidarity with Asia and Africa and the Association of Friendship with the Peoples of Africa. Moscow Radio began the transmission in African languages; Soviet publishing house began to publish a lot of books about Africa, and in particular translations of African languages. During the 6th International Festival of Youth and Students in July-August 1957 in Moscow for the first time hundreds of Africans have arrived. Soon, a part of the Soviet state policy was to attract African students to Soviet universities. There was organized the Peoples' Friendship University named after Patrice Lumumba.
The ideological orientation of Soviet policy was expressed in the theory of "non-capitalist" and "socialist orientation". It stated that the African states, like other developing countries, can advance to socialism, bypassing capitalism, under the condition that they will be guided by the socialist camp, headed by the Soviet Union. In turn, African countries under this influence were trying to artificially introduce socialist state ideology, combining it with local traditions. Among the new ideological systems that emerged in post-colonial Africa, we can mention the one, proposed by the leader of Tanzania named Julius Kambarage Nyerere, "udzhamaa socialism" (in Swahili it is "as one family"), which was based on the collectivization and creation of rural communes with a totally socialized property. The experiment was unsuccessful, because since 1980 Tanzania is in a permanent state of stagnation.
The USSR was the initiator of the adoption of the "Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples" at the XV session of the UN General Assembly in 1960, and sought to establish diplomatic, business, social and cultural ties with each African country right after the independence. The Soviet Union provided these countries with the financial, material and technical assistance, sent mining engineers, doctors, specialists in various fields of activity. The lion's share of aid accounted for the countries, whose management has agreed with the ideas of "non-capitalist development." Important areas of assistance were: the supply of military equipment, training of African personnel in Soviet military academies and sending the Soviet military advisers to the African countries. Kalashnikovs were in Africa in such large numbers and played such a role in equipping the troops and in the internecine wars that this machine is for instance depicted on the emblem of the Republic of Mozambique.
Cooperation in the ideological sphere resulted in the exchange of parties and government delegations, and in the preparation of the ideological frame, which was carried out in the Moscow International Lenin School and the other party schools. In the state of Soviet embassies in a number of African countries were advisers of party affairs – for advice on party building. However, mutual euphoria, in the USSR and African countries, gradually faded. In Africa, grew frustration by the fact that the Soviet Union and other socialist countries have failed to provide substantial economic aid. And the Soviet Union was convinced that the development of the African countries is not as expected in Moscow. In addition, it is the country's "revolutionary development": Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia experienced the greatest socio-economic difficulties and bloody civil wars. In some of these countries, there were strengthened totalitarian regimes. As a result, by the time of the collapse of the USSR, the Soviet policy in Africa reaped not the best fruits. This was not only due to the maximum ideologization of Soviet policy, but also to the level of knowledge of Africa, in fact, almost ignorance, that the Soviet leadership faced while taking measures of influence in Africa.
US Strategy
While the US stood behind a lot of liberation movements across the continent, systemic interest in the region the United States began to show only in the height of the Cold War, when the military-dominated strategic interests in Africa came up. For example, January 1, 1983 there was created “Central Command»” (CENTCOM), which on May 1, 2002 covered the territory of 25 countries, including eight African countries (Egypt, Djibouti, Kenya, Somalia, the Republic of Seychelles, Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea). The objectives of the "Central Command" included the development of operations for the war plans in the region, as well as the implementation of "military cooperation" functions with allied governments (including those listed above and the five East African countries) and overseeing the provision of military assistance to them.
Addressing the Committee on Appropriations House of Representatives of the U.S. Congress, acting assistant secretary of state for African affairs, L. Walker said that the US bilateral "aid" would increasingly focus on the areas of "strategic and political priority for the United States".
Walker called the Greater Horn of Africa and the states, adjoining the Indian Ocean basin, a strategically important region for the U.S. country. Their significance for the United States is determined by proximity to the Persian Gulf and Western ways of oil supply, the presence of a chain of U.S. military bases and points of call of the U.S. Navy in the area. Speaking December 22, 1983 in Congress, the U.S. Defense Secretary Weinberg told about the global American strategy of "deployment of forces on the front lines".
In practical terms, this has turned into a modernization or construction of the U.S. military bases for different purposes. In Kenya it was the air base in Mombasa, Embakasi and Nanyuki, capable of taking military transport planes such as "Hercules" and "Galaxy", B-52 bombers, modernized the water area of the port of Mombasa for receiving large ships. Somalia reconstructed airfield and the port in Berbera (the airfield itself had a runway length of 4 km, which allowed accepting all types of modern combat aircraft). In Sudan there were military bases in Sawakin (the Red Sea), El Fasher (near the border with Libya and Chad) and Dongola (north of Khartoum). Djibouti after special agreement with the US got access to the French base in this country.
During the Cold War despite the United States’ and the Soviet Union’s constant intervention into the internal affairs of African countries, we can identify a few major centers of confrontation across the region, which played more or less significant role in the formation of the entire Cold War structure. Let us examine each of them.
Congo
Tragically, the events developed in the former Belgian colony, Congo (Leopoldville). The power was transferred to the local representatives June 30, 1960, after barely six-month transition period. Very colorful in ethnic terms, the country was entirely unprepared for independent state existence. The President Joseph Kasavubu did not enjoy prestige among the majority of population and was treated with suspicion due to his pro-Western sympathies. The real levers of power were in the hands of the Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, who with the bakongo and batatele tribes followed distinctly pro-Soviet orientation. Already after a few weeks, the board Lumumba’s government faced serious problems. The country lacked of national staff, political parties and warring factions, ethnic clashes erupted suddenly. After the July 5, 1960 with the ultra revolted slogan a garrison of soldiers from Congo began to leave en masse Europeans.
The rich in natural resources of the country, Katanga Province July 11, 1960 declared independence, and its leader Moise Tschombe managed to secure the support of Western secret owners of mines that were found in the province, and with the help of white mercenaries quickly created a strong army. In the civil war that broke out in the country, political disputes intertwined with traditional tribal feuds. Through repeated acts of genocide carried out by both of the warring parties to the Congo there were deployed the first Belgian troops, and later the international UN forces.
After Patrice Lumumba had asked for direct assistance from the Soviet Union, among his supporters there was a split. Led by the Defense Minister Joseph Mobutu, the rebels arrested Lumumba and sent him on the plane to Katanga, where January 17, 1961 he was killed. The death of the country's leader did not stop the civil war that lasted with varying intensity until 1965. The unity of the country was restored only through the intervention of the UN troops into the conflict. Ultimately, in November 1965 the power was in the hands of the military dictator Mobutu, who changed his name to European African one Sese Seko and went on the pro-Western orientation.
Western Sahara
In Western Sahara, where from 1972 there was conducted mining of phosphate, the process of decolonization was delayed until November 1975, when Spain announced the transfer of the territory under the joint management of Mauritania and Morocco, but after four years Mauritania renounced its rights on it. February 27, 1976, the day before the final termination of the Spanish presence in Western Sahara the radical left Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro (Polisario), proclaimed an independent Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (now recognized by more than 70 states). Having support from Algeria, unmet strengthening its western neighbor, the Polisario began a guerrilla war against Moroccan forces. With varying success, fight lasted until September 1991, when the armistice was signed. But the process of preparation of the UN Security Council referred a referendum on self-determination of the population of Western Sahara and its identification of potential participants has not significantly progressed, primarily as a result of differences between parties regarding the criteria, on the basis of which is the registration of this category of persons should be carried out.
Angola and Mozambique
The last of the European states that at the beginning of the 1970s kept the African colonies was Portugal. The first national liberation movement in the Portuguese colonies was created in 1956, the People's Liberation Movement of Angola (MPLA), led by Agostinho Neto, who was strongly influenced by Marxist ideology and the Soviet Union. In 1961, there was created the National Union of Angola, upon which in 1962 emerged the pro-Chinese People's Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA). In 1966, because of ideological disputes, the FNLA group headed by Jonas Savimbi, who formed the pro-Western National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), split off. From 1964, the Marxist Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO) fought also against the Portuguese governance.
But despite the active guerrilla fighting of the Independent patriotic movement, the power in the Portuguese colonies was transferred to the local population only once in April 1974 in a bloodless "Carnation Revolution", when in the metropolis from power there was removed Caetano’s dictatorial regime. In 1974, Portugal recognized the independence of Guinea-Bissau, where at the time led by Amílcar Cabral, the guerrillas have established control over much of the country. A year later, Portugal granted independence to Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde Islands and the islands of Sao Tome and Principe.
While 31 January 1975 the power in Angola was transferred to the government, which included representatives of the MPLA, FNLA and UNITA, the coalition was extremely unstable, and in July began a government crisis, and later a civil war. The political chaos has forced the evacuation to the former mother country about 300 thousand white Portuguese, who usually held responsible technical positions, after which most of the industrial sector in Angola suffered paralysis. Among the Angolan conflict parties, MPLA immediately seized the initiative. Controlling the capital, it declared the establishment of the People's Republic of Angola under the President Agostinho Neto. During the armed conflict with rival political parties, MPLA enjoyed large supply of weapons and Cuban military. At the end of 1975, Fidel Castro sent to Angola 15 thousand soldiers selected based on the skin color. Besides, in Angola fought more than 1,000 military advisers from the Soviet Union.
Despite the military-technical assistance from the United States and South Africa, FNLA and UNITA suffered defeat after defeat. Only a small area in the far south-east of Angola remained under UNIT’s control through the constant support of Air Force and South African commandos’ participate in battles with government troops and Cubans. Help to the anticommunist movement in Angola has increased significantly after coming to power the U.S. administration of Ronald Reagan. The severest battles took place in 1987 and 1988. But government troops have not managed to destroy the armed opposition, after the collapse of Soviet aid programs, Luanda was forced to negotiate. In December 1988, there was evacuation of Cuban troops, which finally ended in 3 years. Through the U.S. and the USSR May 31, 1991 in Lisbon, Angolan President Jose Eduardo dos Santos and UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi signed an agreement on cessation of the civil war and the holding of free elections, held in September next year under the supervision of the UN. Quite unexpectedly, MPLA won the elections. Not recognizing their outcome, Jonas Savimbi continued guerrilla, however, deprived of support from the US and South Africa, he could not claim the former influence.
Similarly, political situation developed in Mozambique, which declared independence June 25, 1975. Since the power in the country came to a group led, by the Marxist Samora Machel, already from the first days of independence white colonists began to leave the country. Due to the lack of national staff the companies reduced area of cultivated plantations, downed utilities. Additional impact on the economy had forced nationalization, collectivization efforts and political repression. At the beginning of 1976 in Mozambique there was famine.
That same year, thanks to considerable assistance and support, in the territory of Rhodesia there was created the People's Resistance Movement of Mozambique (RENAMO). In a while, South Africa joined RENAMO, through which it destroyed African National Congress’ bases on the territory of Mozambique. Mozambique suffered great losses because of the ban on labor to Mozambican miners, imposed by the Government of South Africa. Under the pressure of economic instruments, in 1984 Mozambique government was forced to ban the existence of ANC training camps on its territory, and South Africa, in turn, help Wren stopped the assistance to RENAMO. Given the persistent economic failure, the government of Mozambique increasingly removed from the socialist model and Soviet social system.
The turning point in the history of the country began in 1986, when a plane crash killed Machel, and the new president Joaquim Alberto Chissano normalized relations with South Africa and began peace talks with the opposition. The signing of a peace agreement in Rome by Angolan circuit 4 October 1992 was accelerated by the collapse of the USSR. In later two years under the supervision of UN there were held elections. FRELIMO won, but the guerrilla war resumed.
Somalia and Ethiopia
In the early 1970s began a sharp conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia, which required transmission the Frontier Province Ogaden, populated by Muslims. Unhappy with constant defeats in fighting Eritrean guerrillas, Ethiopian troops September 12, 1974 committed a coup, removing the Emperor Haile Selassie from power. The rebels set up the Coordinating Committee of the Armed Forces, consisting of 120 colonels and generals. However, the newly formed revolutionary government was fragile. During the fierce power struggle with the medium rebels there was pushed the Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, who February 2, 1977 made following the coup and solely led the government as well as ordered the execution of his political opponents of the pro-Western orientation. In May 1977 Mariam signed an agreement on friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union, and then began Soviet-style social reforms. As a result of these developments, the USSR ceased to help Somalia and switched to support Addis Ababa, which became its staunch ally in the whole region.
Considering that Ethiopia is sufficiently weakened by coup in the summer of 1977, Somalia with the US help attempted to regain power over Ogaden. The situation for Ethiopia complicated by the fact that at the same time the Eritreans, supported by Sudan and Saudi Arabia, almost completely ousted government troops from its territory and surrounded blocked the Ethiopian garrisons in the ports of the Red Sea. A surprise for the government was the appearance of its own separatist movement in the province, populated by people of Tigray. The main reason for dissatisfaction with the federal government was a catastrophic situation with the provision of public products. Ethiopian Marxist regime abstained in power with the help of the Soviet Union and the arrival of weapons into the country as well as deployment of 17,000 soldiers’ contingent of Cuban troops. In autumn 1977, Addis Ababa received 400 tanks, 28 jets, anti-aircraft systems and other military equipment totaling at $ 1 billion dollars. In February 1978 supported by Soviet pilots manned aircraft and the participation of the Cuban, the Ethiopian army liberated Ogaden, and a year later regained control over the provinces of Eritrea and Tigray.
Conclusions
Thus, tropical and South Africa played a role in the Cold War and the confrontation between the US and USSR, in particular having led to a systemic crisis in the Soviet Union, which in the 1980s was no longer able to compete with Washington in waging the wars of "low intensity" in Angola, Mozambique and Somalia, and either to financially support their political allies in the region. In turn, these conflicts have contributed to the loss of strategic initiative by the Soviet Union in the Cold War and the US victory in that. For African states, the American and Soviet support in fact led to the transformation of national liberation wars with the colonizers into the civil ones and consequently lag in implementing economic reforms.
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