Bikers associations range from conventional groups supported by the American Motorcycle Association (A.M.A) to biker gangs who find identity only in their outlaw clubs and saloon society (Quinn, 2001). Outlaw biker groups are commonly called “one-percenter” clubs. The term “one-percenter” originated from the biker take over that took place in Hollister California in 1947 (Quinn, 2001; Maas, 2013). The 1947 rally turned wild, and most of the attendees were injured or arrested. Following the incident, A.M.A claimed that it was only one percent of the association’s members that were inclined to crime and violence while the other 99% were law-abiding citizens (Maas, 2013). Outlaw clubs like Hell’s Angels then adopted the identity “one-percenter” as a symbol of distinction which later spread to other gangs. As a result, most people have a stereotypic view of biker clubs as deviant, societal outcasts who are inclined to crime and violence. According to Bosmia et al. (2014), outlaw motorcycle gangs (OMGs) form an important element in the law enforcement and justice circles in the USA. Most OMGs are in constant friction with the police due to their involvement in organized crime and their tendency towards violence.
According to Quinn (2001), the “one-percenter” groups are not homogeneous in their composition. They are comprised of radicals who are inclined towards criminal activities and conservatives who pursue a lifestyle of freedom and comradeship. Often, both forms of bikers live together in the same gang. In a few organizations, a favorable balance exists between the two where dominance alternate between the two ideologies from time to time. However, as illustrated by Quinn (2001), in most clubs one ideology (either conservatism or radicalism) has complete dominance and members have to conform to, accept, and identify with the leading ideology. Supreme radicalism is a key determinant in the metamorphosis of a bikers’ gang to organized crime (Quinn, 2001). This ethnographic paper focuses on the behavioral patterns and values of “one-percenter” motorcycle groups.
Hierarchy
According to Bosmia et al. (2014), OMGs can be classified into four groups of organizations; support, satellite, regional, and the large one percenter clubs. Support clubs usually have little to moderate criminal involvement and are associated with a bigger one percenter gang for purposes of protection and boosting their reputation. Satellite clubs are branches of big OMGs that function as recruitment centers. The mother OMG controls them, and they get involved I crimes related to the controlling gang. A limited territory and membership characterizes regional clubs. Often they may have some association to bigger OMGs, and they might or might not take a one-percenter club identity (Bosmia et al., 2014). Large one-percenter associations such as Hell’s Angels and Mongols top the criminal hierarchy of OMGs, and they have a significant influence on the dynamics of the deviant bikers’ world. In the US, the most powerful outlaw biker gangs include the Hell’s Angels, Outlaws, Bandidos, Mongols, Pagans, and Sons of Silence motorcycle clubs (Quinn, 2001; Bosmia et al., 2014).
Interrelations between organizations are complex in nature. These affiliations may be formed as temporary alliances (particularly among large organizations) or as a partial submission of local clubs to larger ones. In surrender situations, regional associations may yield their logos, but they usually retain their impulsivity, aggression, and strong personal loyalties that are the typical aspects of OMGs. Large biker groups use satellite clubs as a source of the labor force for their criminal activities. They also act as recruitment grounds in which men prove their worth to join the controlling club.
Racial Composition of OMGs
Almost all outlaw biker gangs are comprised of white members (Bosmia et al., 2014). Most biker gangs are racist and have strong white supremacist ideologies. Although black biker clubs do exist, they usually operate under different milieu and have their set of values and symbols. Motorcycle clubs that are comprised of Blacks or mixed races have generally less extreme behavior in ideologies, organization, and criminal involvement. These groups are mostly local or regional. Most black OMGs are found in both the East and West Coast of America (Bosmia et al., 2014). Some African American OMGs adopt symbols, names, and slogans names from white biker clubs. In the US, most biker gangs require their members to have Harley-Davidson motorcycles. This requirement is varied among black groups. Affiliations between black and white OMGs do exist, but they are few. In such affiliations, the white gangs usually repress the black clubs. For instance, the Thunderbirds Motorcycle Club in Baltimore answers to the Pagans “one-percenter” club.
Brotherhood and Comradeship
Brotherhood and comradeship are a essential aspects in the dynamics of outlaw motorcycle clubs. OMG members refer to each other as brothers or bros (Maas, 2013; Quinn, 2001). Early OMG members were veterans of the Second World War, who had a “lust for freedom from the ascribed social norms” of Post-War American society (Blankenship, 2014). According to Blankenship (2014), the comradeship seen in biker clubs reflects the camaraderie of the military that the original members had adopted from being military veterans. The marginalization of bikers led to a strong sense of community within and amongst biker gangs. They usually share a sense of solidarity against the mainstream American society. The “biker brotherhood” adheres to certain by-laws that advocate for members’ support to each other that transcend the boundaries of gang membership.
The common values of an intense sense of brotherhood, respect for mechanical skills, and the joys of riding uphold the biker sub-culture (Blankenship, 2014). Motorcycle gang members mainly come together to race, work on their bikes and enjoy themselves. However, the “Biker Brotherhood code” goes beyond their racing events. Their comradeship and support for one another trickle down into almost every aspect of their lives. For example, it is not surprising for associates of an injured biker club member to flood an emergency department in support of the wounded brother (Bosmia et al., 2014).
Biker club members spend a lot of time together. They value and depend on their brotherhood over time spent with other people in their lives such as women and family members; hence, the use of slogans such as “bros before bitches” by outlaw bikers. Their reliance on comradeship stems from the common belief that the fellow brothers are the only ones who cannot let them down. As a result, they depend on each other for day to day survival. Biker outlaws often find themselves in conflict with the authorities. However, unlike most people they are not scared of prison. They are usually confident that their brothers on the inside will provide them with security in case they find themselves in jail. This perceived sense of security allows bikers to behave recklessly. The possibility of being imprisoned rarely affects their behavior.
The brotherhood among bikers can be described as an acknowledgement of acceptance among riders and having each other’s back in case something happens (Maas, 2013). Although most biker outlaws have a strong loyalty to Harvey-Davidson motorcycles and their clubs, their sense of brother to other clubs and Non-Harvey-Davidson bike owners as well as members of other organizations (Quinn, 2001). OMG members never leave a member stranded on the road.
Identity
Outlaw bikers commonly identify with their motorcycles and their clubs. They perceive themselves as modern-day outlaws. Bikers show extreme respect for power, are intensely aware of belonging, and they defend each other. According to Quinn (2001), most bikers are social outsiders and loners who get together in associations for purposes of mutual protection and identity. Marginalization from the mainstream society fuels their intense interactions and loyalty. Bikers often become extreme so as to form and maintain a reputation that is dangerous, outrageous and unpredictable. These extreme behaviors result from frustration with the society, and they are also a way of exercising power (Quinn, 2001).
Insignia
Outlaws bikers use patches and tattoos to symbolize a gang subculture (Bosmia et al., 2014). These symbols give information such as a gang’s identity. A sleeveless, collarless jacket is very significant to a biker’s attire. A biker’s jacket indicates his club affiliation. These jackets are commonly named ‘colors’, and they are usually made of leather or jeans. Colors have patches and rockers that identify the association of an outlaw biker to an OMG. A top rocker at the back of the colors carries the club’s name, the central patch is usually the group’s logo and the bottom patch shows the locality of the club that the colors’ owner belongs to. Club members and affiliates revere these colors. As a club member, the colors are central to a biker’s identity (Bosmia et al., 2001). Large one presenter club members are very protective of their insignia that is usually exclusive to the club. As a matter of fact, associations hold copyrights to their logos and other symbols (Bosmia et al., 2001).
References
Blankenship, P. D. (2014). Gender, Style, Technology: The Changing Landscape Of Motorcycle Culture.
Bosmia, A. N., Quinn, J. F., Peterson, T. B., Griessenauer, C. J., & Tubbs, R. S. (2014). Outlaw motorcycle gangs: aspects of the one-percenter culture for emergency department personnel to consider. Western Journal of Emergency Medicine, 15(4), 523.
Maas, K. (2013). Making sense of motorcycle brotherhood: Women, branding, and construction of self (Doctoral dissertation, Minnesota State University, Mankato).
Quinn, J. F. (2001). Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws, and Pagans: The evolution of organized crime among the big four 1% motorcycle clubs. Deviant Behavior, 22(4), 379-399.
