The complete failure of the Arab nations to form a national narrative for the purpose of unification and the establishment of contemporary egalitarian polities happens to be the primary cause behind the ongoing socio-political explosion in the Arab world in recent times. Unity is no longer the major goal and the construction of a society that is capable of mobilizing its resources to combat backwardness and enhance the financial condition of the state has taken a backseat. The elite class has instead tried to enforce a brand of unity via Islam and Arab nationalism that has alienated portions of the population not present within the central community.
It has been almost 90 years since the establishment of the Arab states. The entire period is marked by discord between various communities, economic and political discrimination, military coups, uprisings, conflicts and subversion. The end result of the conflicts is more than 5 million fatalities and over a million refugees and wounded civilians. In the book “Nation Building in Multiethnic Societies: The Case of Iraq” by Ofra Bengio published in 1999, the concept of national unity and the plight of the minorities are the least concerns of the Arab states at the moment. No talks are taking place regarding minority rights or reconciliation. In fact, the situation has taken a turn for the worse for minorities.
Most of the Arab world is dominated by the Sunni Muslims. However, in Syria, despite the Sunni majority, the Alawite minority enjoys complete control. The Sunnis in Bahrain rule the land even though they are outnumbered by the Shiite majority. Most of the Arab feature conflicts between the minorities and the majority on a religious, ethnic or national basis.
There are other minorities present in the world which hold a dominant position in the world of politics and government. The war-torn regions of Africa such as Zaire and Rwanda constitute of minority players who exercise a dominant influence and shape the decisions of the government. In the Arab world, the Kurds occupy an important position. The Kurds hail from ancient Middle East. Despite the influence of Islam, the Kurds have managed to retain their cultural exclusiveness and their linguistic variations. But they are often subjected to discriminatory laws. The Berbers of North Africa have faced persecution due to their language and traditions. In Algeria, this minority has been violently repressed. The Christian community exists as a minority in some parts of the world like Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Israel and Jordan but they hold a considerable sway on the politics of the majority groups. The Jews in Israel and other Arab states are often engaged in intense conflicts and many of them have been forced to relocate to Tunisia and Morocco.
Syrian Takeover by the Alawis
The Alawis happened to be among the poorest, weakest, most rural, and most backward and most despised people in Syria for a span of several centuries. But in recent times, they have developed into the ruling authority in Damascus. In Syria, the Alawis are in charge of the government scenario, possess significant military titles, manage the educational resources and have accumulated vast wealth.
The manner in which the Alawis rose to prominence in Syria explains a great deal about the political culture of the nation and indicates a complex association between the political parties, the ethnic community and the army. The army, the Alawis and the Ba’th Party made their presence felt simultaneously but the power distribution among the three factions was unequal. The new rulers were probably Alawis who happened to be soldiers and Ba’thists.
According to the book “Minorities and the State in the Arab World” by Eval Zisser published in 1999, the military and the political parties had a significant role but the most important aspect was the shift in power from the Sunni Muslims to the Alawis. The affiliation with the Alawis helped to define the rulers of the Syrian nation without undermining the major roles of the army and the party. Even though career and party were necessary, religious affiliation and ethnicity determined one’s identity. Syrian politics must not be judged through a view of the Asad regime in terms of its military or Ba’thist nature. The importance of a person’s sect increases throughout the centuries in comparison to other attributes .
According to the report by Jackson Diehl published in the May/ June 2012 issue of the World Affairs Journal, this view helped shape the predominantly communal response of the Sunnis towards the new rulers. The Sunnis, who account for 69 percent of the population of Syria, vehemently opposed an Alawi ruler and they urged the Muslim Brethren sect to oppose the government in terroristic and violent ways. Even though they have remained unsuccessful, the Brethren on many occasions have come close to overthrowing the regime
But the way, in which events are progressing, it seems as if the Alawis will soon lose their hold over Syria. They are still treated as a limited and despised minority. The major cause of downfall of the Alawis in Syria will stem from communal conflicts. The critical battle will rage between the Sunni majority and the Alawi rulers. Therefore, the fall of the Alawis will closely mirror their rise to power in Syria.
Sunni Minority Rule in Bahrain
According to Shadi Bushra in his paper published in the Stanford Progressive Journal in June, 2011, Bahrain differs considerably from other nations suffering from political turmoil due to the fact that it is a rich and developed country with natural gas and oil reserves. The Sunni Muslims enjoy unprecedented dominance in Bahrain due to the support of the United States. The West approves of their apartheid policies which help keep the Shiite majority in Bahrain in check .
The majority of the Shiite community does not have the freedom to gain employment in military, the police secret services and the Defence, Foreign and Interior Ministries. The Shiites even face extensive discrimination in the field of public service. Since Bahrain serves as the host for the Fifth Fleet of the United States, the Obama regime chooses to ignore the recent crackdown on demonstrators of pro-democracy.
The power struggle between the Sunni and the Shi’a in Bahrain began in 1932 with the discovery of oil. Religious differences had existed from the outset due to the variations between the two groups in terms of development and basic religious tenets. In the report “The Islamic Traditions of Wahhabism and Salaffiya” by Christopher M. Blanchard published by CRS, while the Sunni puritanical movement was popular as “Wahhabism”, the Shiite community considered the imam to be the true leader of the Islam religion. Outside political influences served to fuel the flames of unrest between the two Muslim communities. With the reestablishment of constitutional rule in 2001, the unrest was greatly curbed .
The Sunni Muslims established strict policies to keep the Shi’a majority in check. They were considered untrustworthy to be in the field of security services. The government arrested the Shiite leaders on grounds of instigation of protests. The destruction of the Shiite mosques in restive parts of the country was the final straw. The influence of the West in keeping the Shiites in check cannot be undermined.
Shadi Bushra in his paper published by the Stanford Progressive Journal in June, 2011 also states that Western analysts believe that Iran may use the concept of secular solidarity to offer support to Shiite movements. The American government would prefer to show support to dictators who are friendly with the West than hand over power to the Shiites. The United States seems to be concerned more about its own interests than the rights and safety of the Muslims, especially the Shiite sects. This is interesting in light of the fact that the Shiite population of Bahrain has less interest in the government of Islam than the Sunni majority. Moreover, the negative attitude of the West towards the Shiite Muslims may also stem from the inability of the US to make the inhabitants of Bahrain alter their ways. The West feels that if the Shiites are allowed to rule the Gulf region, it would result in a sentiment which is distinctly anti-Western. But they fail to realize that it is this very attitude that breeds negative thoughts towards the West among the Shiite population of Bahrain
The Position of the Minority Government in the Arab World
According to Yvette Talhamy in her article published by the Middle East Journal Vol. 63, No. 4 in the autumn of 2009, the Syrian Alawis belong to the Shi’a sect which has helped them foster an alliance with Iran which happens to be the nerve centre of Shiite Islam. But the alliance was threatened by the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, members of which had remained in exile from 1982. They believed that the alliance was a platform in a greater Shi’ar plot to gain control of the Sunni nations, including Syria. But in recent times, the Muslim Brotherhood has altered their strategy. The journal even examines the attitude of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria towards the Alawis as a sectarian Shiite regime which they consider to be a scheme to overthrow the Sunni world .
According the 1997 journal article “Who owns the state?: Understanding ethnic conflict in post-colonial societies” by Andreas Wimmer, published in Nations and Nationalism, dominant ethnicity is a serious issue and attention must be focused in order to examine the topic in a comprehensive manner. The long-standing conversion from the ethnicity of dominant minority to dominant majority mirrors the growth and development of the contemporary nation-state. This shift is a result of modern concepts of nationalism and popular sovereignty which highlights the dictum of rule as well as the rule of ‘like over like' .
Minority sects and ethnicities which remain dominant in the postcolonial structures, especially like Rwanda, Iraq and Syria, showcase the politically illustrious minorities in the contemporary states and usually spring out of colonial legacies. They are dependent on forceful policies while at the same time they construct a narrow support group in society. Next, they try to establish links with larger national identities. The rift between national identity and dominant ethnicity becomes clear in such societies where both narratives maintain a parallel connection with no organic association. Secession and democratization results in greater dominant majorities as well as the downfall of larger minorities. Some cases of dominant minorities exist in the world in Bahrain and Syria and these are generally connected with improperly developed democracies or authoritarian governments. But the vicissitudes of the Western dominant ethnicity must also be considered since strong majorities in ethnicity often remain attached to their nation states and face pressure from global migration and liberal multicultural ideals.
This has resulted in an increasing division between dominant ethnicities and their greatly inclusive states. Moreover, in terms of demography, the Western dominant majorities are dwindling in number owing to low native fertility and immigration. Even though this increases the chances of a return to the state of dominance of ethnic minorities, this may not be possible due to the predisposition for several dominant sects to incorporate newcomers and establish pan-ethnic connections to hold numerical control .
Methodology
This thesis is a qualitative, descriptive and exploratory study of the factors that cause minorities to lead the majority in the political systems of Bahrain. Iraq and Syria The study relies solely on secondary research to form its basis. The key steps in the research process are as follows:
- Identifying and Developing Research Topic
- Developing Background Information
- Developing List of Research Materials
- Finding Print Sources
- Finding Online Resources
- Evaluation & Analysis
- Paper Formation
- Verification & Revision
Works Cited
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Blanchard, Christopher M. "The Islamic Traditions of Wahhabism and Salafiyya." Congressional Report. 2007.
Bushra, Shadi. "Supporting Bahraini Apartheid is Not in America's Interest." Stanford progressive (2011).
Diehl, Jackson. "Lines in the sand." World Affairs 175.1 (2012).
Mazel, Zvi. "Majority and Minorities in the Arab World: The Lack of a Unifying Narrative." Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 586 (2011).
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Talhamy, Yvette. "The Syrian Muslim Brothers and Syrian-Iranian Relationship." Middle East Journal 63.4 (2009): 561-580.
Vanhanen, T. Ethnic Conflicts Explained by Ethnic Nepotism. Stamford, CT: Jai Press, 1999.
Wimmer, Andreas. "Who owns the state?: Understanding ethnic conflict in post-colonial societies." Nations and Nationalism 3.4 (1997): 631-665.
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Zisser, Eyal. "The Alawis, lords of Syria: from ethnic minority to ruling sect." Ben-Dor, Gabriel and Ofra Bengio. Minorities and the State in the Arab World. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1999. 129-148.
