The social position of Muslim women is covered with decades of double-standards, misinterpretation and over-generalizing. As the result, nowadays there is a certain stereotype of what a Muslim woman should be, how she should behave and how she is to be treated by society in general. These issues concern institutional regulations, gender inequality, policy on women’s body and mobility and imposing the ideal stereotype. Considering these factors, it can be concluded that Muslim women are highly pressured regardless of where they live.
Rigid regulation of gender-based structures
First interesting proof of Muslim’s community double standards is gender-driven limitation is such institutions as school and prayer halls. Differences appear early on, at the beginning of gender socialization. They are aimed at “[acculturation of] students into Islamically appropriate modes of behaviour and conduct and gender relations” (Zine, 2008, p. 42). Also, different treatment of males and females should be aimed at protecting women and preserving moral values of Muslim identity. We may state that bearing these high purposes in mind, Islamic community nevertheless makes a shift in its requirements from both sexes. Females are approaches from ideas of piety, modesty and various regulations. In schools they are isolated from boys starting from year seven; “[d]uring congregational prayers, males are often positioned in the front and females in the back in gender-segregated rows” (Zine, 2008, p. 45). Girls are expected to comply with these imposed regulations and more, behave submissively and prioritize the reputation of their family and honour of their husbands.
Such standards and rules demand obeyance quite harshly. These limitations have their roots in hundreds years of history, culture and tradition. Now they are extended into institutional regulations of modern Islamic world. Having such a strong background of influence, even these school rules put girls at disadvantage, limiting their mobility, clothes choice, second-planning their academic performance with boys being more dominant during class work.
Gender inequity
We cannot deny gender inequity present in Muslim culture. Considering the most “popular representation of Muslim male/female dynamics, in which women are relegated to roles of submission,” (McMurray, 2008, p. 79) it is evident that females are historically placed below male in the hierarchy of freedoms and social approval. First of all, the gender-based regulation of institutional level, mentioned above, makes a statement that there is a strict distinction between two sexes. Next, when analyzing where this regulation places which sex, we can get an evident and saddening result.
A woman seems to fall behind a man throughout the process of socialization and further functioning. In schools boys are dominant in both voicing their mind in the classroom and moving as they wish without parents’ or schools’ permission. Girls take up their gender role also by means of compulsory body covering and behaving in a modest manner, whereas males do not feel moral pressure to such extent. We can also find examples of gender inequity during praying ceremonies, where women are not allowed to the front rows, which is described as “‘bradari gaze,’ referring to the regulation that Muslim girls are placed under by their family and ethnocultural community” (Zine, 2008, p. 46). All these culturally specific limitations shape women’s position, deprived of many freedoms accessible to men. Moreover, in the future women are supervised not by parents or teachers, but by husbands: the process is life-long.
Thus, these are traditional norms that impose pressure, not the events and experiences themselves, such as school, provocative clothing or possible sexual activity. With young Muslim women living in non-Islamic countries, such as Canada, the situation is even more peculiar. They witness alternative social patterns, which makes them question their own worth even more. Consecutively, they question or obey patriarchy more severely. This leads us to deep misbalance between male and female gender positions, with representatives from either sides abusing or being abused by prescribed roles.
Policing of young Muslim women’s bodies
Women’s body has for a long time been an issue of Muslim attention. Eventually, it was defined as a source of sexual enticement and discord. Thus, a tradition of body covering took its place in the teaching. Women cover their body since the period of puberty, both head and body itself with full-length clothes. Also, the use of make-up and even nail polish is traditionally frowned upon. Moreover, not only should women cover themselves, they are also not free to utilize their bodies as they please. Premarital sexual activity is prohibited, and a woman is only free to give herself to her husband.
Where do these rules come from? Women body is subjected to concepts of honour and piety, and some researchers “[describe] this social disciplining of the female body as society’s fear of the ‘disruptive power of female sexuality’” (Zine, 2008, p. 41). Though at first may be seen too radical, such a statement has its grounds, as the rule is unrealistically continuous.
We may conclude that bodily limitations have their tangible impact. Ultimately, such strict policies may result in low-self esteem and disgust towards own body. In the most extreme cases, with body being seen as something sinful, a natural essence of human physical appearance becomes a source for self-doubt or self-harm. Furthermore, sex-shaming can contribute to various speculations and complexes. Retaining from this natural instinct may negatively impact an individual psychologically, depriving him or her from future sexual fulfilment.
Control of young women’s mobility
First of all, physical mobility of Muslim women is limited. Girls cannot leave school “without seeking permission from the school authorities,” (Zine, 2008, p. 50) so that not to meet boys even accidentally. Moreover, it is preferred by the authorities that girls are not seen by the general non-Muslims as well, as school windows are “covered with green paint to conceal them from public view” (Zine, 2008, p. 52). Allegedly, this is done in order to prevent women’s presence causing chaos and inappropriate desires of men. Nonetheless, restricting mobility can at times be seen as human rights violation, as it may hinder girls living their life to the fullest. Not being able to visit places where men are present can damage academic, physical and emotional performance of females. Attending coed universities may become a real challenge for women, who are not used to facing men. Attending common sport centres may make females feel uncomfortable and seek for alternatives. Generally, emotional barriers set by such segregation-driven mobility limitations can negatively influence women’s trust and favourable attitude towards both men and themselves, as they can question social validity. Thus, we can agree with Zine that the “degree of surveillance placed on girls and see it as regulatory rather than protective,” (2008, p.50) contributing to numerous possible damages.
Also, women’s career mobility suffers from stereotypes and surveillance. Zine mentions girls need to be encouraged during the class as boys are often dominant when it comes to discussions and classroom activities. McMurray states that women are viewed as not having “to pursue careers in music and entertainment,” (2008, p. 86) as these fields are a subject to public display, including men, which is a pressuring factor to general career choice of a Muslim woman. Thus, they are limited by either domestic activities or job positions, which are traditionally approved to be taken by women. However, now women pursue non-standard vacancies, for example “creating new meanings and interesting spaces of resistance through mixing faith and hip-hop culture,” (McMurray, 2008, p. 76) which is a positive and inspiring tendency. It shows that modern world is a fluid substance that approves positive change.
Imposition of a single ideal-type of a Muslim woman and its Canadian interpretation
Having considered all of the above mentioned, we may assume that young Muslim girls are expected to behave in a peculiar canonical way. They are segregated from boys, limited in their decision upon clothing, mobility and forms of expression, which leads to society having an ideal stereotypical image of them. Thus, a “canonical discourse of “pious Muslim girl” is a salient archetype for young Muslim women to model themselves upon” (Zine, 2008, p. 40). If this archetype is not followed, a young girl is said to be doomed to spoil the reputation of school, family, her husband or even the whole Muslim community.
The limitations of these “ideal” are numerous. Even in the school of Zine’s case-study, girls are not allowed to mingle with boys not to cause “inappropriate” behaviour. This pattern leads as deep as not visiting places outside the school, where the boys may come. Having Muslim man as the school principal sharpens the situation in its strictness. When girls come out of the rules’ framework, even to say sorry to a boy who lost his brother, they face condemn. Moreover, it leads to a situation, when girls need to be encouraged to speak their mind in a room, where boys are present. So we may conclude, that a “salient archetype” is harsher that being pious, attending prayers and following religious procedures and rules, explicitly stated in the Koran (e. g. “modest Islamic dress codes and obligatory prayers and fasting” (Zine, 2008, p. 43) etc.). It extends to being unrealistically restricted and prevented from non-domestic activity, being a “subject to enforced modesty” (Zine, 2008, p. 44).
Essentially, young Muslim women in Canada live between two forces of traditional Islam and more of a relaxed Canadian life approach. They witness constant violation of the Koran principles, though it is considered norm in the surrounding community: light clothing, premarital relationships, feminist movements are rather widespread in modern Canada. Not only they witness this alternative approach to treating women, they also encounter all the above mentioned double-standards between genders in Islam, as was proved in the articles by Zine and McMurray. The bright examples are Muslim schools, which pursue strict nurturing of women from the young age. In my opinion, the present controls and limits are to be made more flexible, as some of them violate basic human rights (e. g. being properly educated, having freedom of speech and others). The authorities should take into consideration women’s suggestions, appeals and remarks, if they are reasonable, moral and well-grounded.
Conclusions
References
Zine, Jasmin. (2008). Honour and Identity: An Ethnographic Account of Muslim Girls in a Canadian Islamic School. Topia, 19, Spring, 35-61.
Mcmurray, Anaya. (2008). “Hotep and Hip-Hop: Can Black Muslim Women Be Down with
Hip-Hop?” Meridians: feminism, race, transnationalism, 8(1), 74–92.
