Colombian conflict - asymmetric warfare, which began in 1964 (active - since 1966) and continues at the present time, between the Government of Colombia, paramilitary groups, criminal syndicates and leftist guerrillas (FARC, ELN) for influence in the country. It is believed that, historically, the civil war has become a continuation of la violencia - armed struggle between conservatives and liberals in the 1948-1958. The victory of the conservatives in this struggle led to the unification of liberal and communist militants in the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Causes for the outbreak of conflict, each party interprets to their own advantage. FARC and other guerrilla movements claim that they are fighting for the rights of the poor in Colombia in order to protect them from the violence of the state and ensure social justice. Colombia's government claims that it is fighting for order and stability and aims to protect the rights and interests of its citizens. The paramilitary ultra-right ("paramilitaries") groups say they are only responding to the alleged threat from the guerrilla movements. The guerrillas and extreme right groups are accused of involvement in illegal drug trafficking and terrorism. Finally, all parties, involved in the conflict, have been criticized for numerous human rights violations. According to a study, conducted by the National center of historical memory of Colombia, 220 thousand people died in the conflict between 1958 and 2013, most of them - civilians (177 307 people), more than five million civilians have been displaced from their homes between 1985 and 2012 . In 2012, the FARC began negotiations with the Government of Colombia, which gives hope for a speedy end of the civil war.
The opposing sides in the civil war are:
Government forces with active US military and political support
radical leftist formations: Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN)
ultra-right paramilitaries - formerly United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), after 2006 - not formalized formations and organization of «Águilas Negras» ( «Black Eagles"). (Lopez 6-16)
The armed conflict in Colombia has deep economic, political and social conditions that have emerged in the country 50 years ago. In the early period (1974-1982) guerrilla groups such as FARC, ELN and others have advanced the slogans of universal equality and the achievement of communism that allowed them to win support from some sections of the local population. Since the mid-1980s communist slogans began to lose popularity and the Government of Colombia, strengthening tax and budget system and reforming the system of local self-government, seized the initiative in the struggle with the opposition. In 1985, the party Patriotic Union was formed with the assistance of the FARC. In the end, this party distanced itself from the rebel groups, and moved to the parliamentary struggle. In May 16, 1961, John F. Kennedy announced the establishment in Colombia of Peace Corps division - humanitarian organization, which actually aimed at containing Communism in developing countries. 64 volunteers continued to be responsible for assistance to rural communities in the development of agriculture, construction, education and health. Paradoxically, but these volunteers, involving in Colombian agriculture, have become the first international drug traffickers, who later have teamed up with the American mafia. The drug mafia in Colombia has its origins in the 1970s with the start of cocaine’s supply to the United States of America. The Colombian government began to fight against drug cartels, which have appeared in the country in the 1980s, but left guerrilla groups and right-wing paramilitary organizations have established contact with them, earning on drug trafficking. This led to the loss of support from the local population. (Ugarriza and Craig 7-10) After the victory in presidential elections Alvaro Uribe has spread CONVIVIR experience all over the country, making a bet on the implementation of the policy of "democratic security". In 2005, he initiated the adoption of the law "Justice and Peace", the main goal of which was "to promote the peace process and return to the community, individually or collectively, of former fighters (guerrillas or members of self-defense), in accordance with the principles of truth, justice and compensation to victims, as well as the demobilization process. " His policy has led to a significant reduction in crime, including kidnappings and murders. Thus, the number of murders dropped from 36 thousand to 15 thousand, and hostage-taking cases - from 3 thousand to 1 thousand per year. Uribe was in favor of the fight against drug traffickers. The Colombian government implemented a program to promote the transition of peasant farms from growing of coca, from leaves of which cocaine is produced, to growing other agricultural products. Colombia has achieved a significant reduction in cocaine production volumes, allowing the Director of the Bureau for Combating against Drug Trafficking R. Kerlikowske declare that Colombia is no longer the world's largest cocaine producer. During the presidency of Alvaro Uribe government began active military pressure on the FARC and other prohibited groups. After the conducted attacks many indicators of the fight against crime have been improved. Since 2002, violence in the country has declined considerably, while some paramilitary groups have been dissolved within the peace process, and some guerrillas have lost control over most of the territory, they had once controlled. In February 2008, millions of Colombians protested against the FARC. 26.648 soldiers of the FARC and ELN have laid down their arms since 2002. (García Durán et al. 7-12)
When Juan Manuel Santos was elected president in August 2010, he promised to continue the offensive against the rebel movements. Within a month after his inauguration FARC and ELN rebels killed about 50 soldiers and police officers in attacks across the country. In September was killed the second person in the structure of FARC, Mono Hohoy. By the end of 2010 it became apparent that the new ultra-right groups, such as «Los Rastrojos» and «Aguilas Negras» (Black Eagles) represent no less threat to the government than FARC and ELN. By early 2011, the Colombian authorities and the media reported that FARC has partially changed their tactics, moving from guerrilla warfare to the "war of insurgents". This meant that to a greater extent they operate, being dressed in civilian clothes and hiding among the civilian population. In early January 2011, the Colombian army said that FARC had about 18,000 members, half of them - the militias. In 2011, the Colombian Congress issued a statement claiming that FARC has a strong presence in about one third of Colombia, while their attacks on security forces continue to grow during 2010-2011. In August 27, 2012 Santos announced that the Colombian government took over preliminary talks with FARC in order to obtain the termination of the conflict. In 2012 has begun a peace dialogue between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas in order to find a political solution to the armed conflict. In addition, the government began the process of providing assistance and compensation for victims of the conflict. In August 23, 2013 Santos withdrew the governmental delegation from Havana, suspending peace talks. The reason for this was two insurgent attacks on government agencies in late July, as well as differences between the rebels and the government about the form of peace agreement: official Colombian authorities intended to make a request to the representatives of FARC for referendum, delegates from the grouping demanded to convene a Constituent Assembly, which will make amendments to the the constitution of the country, according to the concluded agreements. (Meacham, Farah, and Lamb 1-14)
The civil war has a negative influence on economy of the country. Most of the researchers recognize that because of drug cartels the civil war in the country cannot come to the end. It is known much about the numerous connections between the the drug cartels and the Colombian insurgent organizations, which since the 1960's are waging war against the Colombian government. Thus, the Medellin cartel cooperated with the Colombian guerrilla organizations such as M-19, in the interests of protecting drug trafficking. Anti-governmental armed formations, in their turn, saw in illegal drug trade the source of financing their movements.
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the National Liberation Army took control of the areas of cultivation of coca in the Colombian Amazon and imposed "tax" on revenues from the sale of coca paste. Cultivation of coca in areas controlled by FARC and ELN gave them unprecedented opportunities for the extraction of resources from the production of cocaine in order to strengthen their struggle against the Colombian State. According to estimates in 2011, Colombia remained the largest cocaine producer in the world. Through the efforts of the Colombian government the production of drugs in the country is slowly declining. According to some data, after cocaine production peak in 2000, its production was reduced by 60% in 2010. Despite the large volumes of drug production, the level of drug use in Colombia is smaller than in the US and in many European countries. The activities of the National Police of Colombia for combating drug trafficking was extremely effective - during the last 10 years in the country each year was arrested and extradited more than 100 drug lords, and Colombian experts in the fight against drugs consulted their colleagues in 7 countries of Latin America and 12 countries of Africa. (Otis 1-21) Production of cocaine from coca causes damage to environment, economy and national health. Cutting down of forests in order to clear the fields for coca plantations, soil erosion and chemical pollution cause environmental damage. Struggle against these phenomena is extremely difficult because of the opposition of influential clans of drug dealers, who take part in political conflict of the country. Many owners of the coca plantations use prostitutes for servicing their employees, resulting in the rapid spread of sexually transmitted diseases. Between the USA and Colombia was signed extradition treaty, which allowed Colombia to extradite Colombian drug traffickers to the United States, where they are brought to justice for their crimes. (Díaz and Sánchez 7-10)
National security of the country also suffers from activities of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN). Billions of profits of drug traffickers allow corrupting a part of the army, contain their own agents in the security and intelligence agencies, have armed terrorist groups. The growth of drug trafficking poses a threat to national security of Colombia. Society is divided into two parts: one part supports the government in fighting against drug trafficking, the second part- one way or another is connected with drug trafficking that threatens the stability of civil society. The government takes all possible measures for destruction of drug cartels, which are considered as one the main reasons for political conflict in the country. For liquidation of "Medellin Cartel" have been created special forces from agents of police, state security and the army, numbering three thousand people. They organized mass raids in the places of alleged location of P. Escobar, the price for his head was more than $ 1 million. As a result, in 1993, Escobar was killed in a shootout with a group, which tracked him down. The defeat of the cartel improved criminal situation in the country. The fight against drug traffickers is conducted by various methods, but all this is considered as a struggle with the consequence rather than the cause. The government has adopted "alternative development programs", creating favorable conditions for the transfer of ordinary workers, employed in the production of drugs, to other kinds of activities. However, since "other activities" does not bring such revenues as drug trafficking, the peasants are strongly opposed to such programs, and the peasant youth continues to replenish groups of insurgents. The problem of drug trafficking has become international, it can not be solved within a single country, it must be addressed by the entire world community, from its solution depends the fate of millions of people not only in Colombia but also in many countries of the world. (Isacson 25-38)
In recent years, the escalation of violence, manifested by the number of left- and right-wing armed groups, has a new purely material basis and it is closely related to the rapid development of drug trafficking in the country. The growth of the drug trade has led to social disruption and criminalization of Colombian society, a deep internal crisis, contributed to the development and rooting of all forms of violence. The strategic objectives of all the participants of drug trafficking (including the right-wing and left-wing radical groupings) are to ensure their economic interests, to supervise locally the illegal financial flows and power. Nevertheless, Colombian government planned counterinsurgency military operations and forced eradication of coca crops, including with defoliants, some part of the money should be spent on "reorientation" of the peasants, who collect coca. Considering the participation of left-and right-wing armed groups in the escalation of violence, it should be noted the manifestation of dehumanization of the conflict within last ten years. It can be observed in the use of gas bombs by guerrillas in carrying out terrorist attacks (these bombs have tremendous destructive force and often take the lives of many innocent people) and in cases (by all parties of the armed conflict) of extrajudicial massacres of civilians, and mass kidnappings for ransom. Kidnappings for ransom have become commonplace for ordinary criminal groups and for the guerrillas. According to the number of kidnappings, Colombia already several years occupies the first position in the world. Within the framework of dehumanization of the current conflict, it should be noted a significant increase (over the last four years) of children's involvement in the ranks of both the guerrillas and the paramilitaries. Most researchers say that children are forced to engage in partisan detachments. The grounds for this assumption really exist: a part of children is brought by their parents, who owed money to the guerrillas or semi-military forces, or who have no means for their sustenance. There are also cases when armed forces take them away by force, threatening with the weapon. However, it should be rather talked about the voluntary entry of minors in partisan detachments. This is confirmed by social composition of the young fighters. Many of them came from the poorest segments, who do not have a chance to receive an education, find a sustainable social status. Many of them are thrown by parents or expelled by relatives, many children fled under the influence of domestic violence or sexual harassment. Terrible statistics of murders that took place in the Colombian society, shows that 85% of the victims of violence were women. Violence flourished in families, where its victims were children and teenagers. Such situation allows to determine the current conflict as a criminal war. Recent years the Colombian government tries to provide their juvenile residents protection from domestic violence, to ensure their right to education, health care in order to prevent their involvement in an internal armed conflict as on the side of the guerrillas as well as on the side of paramilitaries. Dehumanization of the conflict puts Colombians in the position of hostages, but the presence of well-functioning public institutions in areas of conflict contributes to their security and protection from guerrillas, paramilitaries or any other paramilitary forces. ( Nagle 1-38)
According to Ramirez, political conflict between Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN) has a negative impact on external policy of the country and its diplomatic relations with other states. In August 2015 broke out diplomatic conflict between Venezuela and Colombia, as a result the measures for combating the paramilitaries and smugglers have been taken by Venezuela, which included mass deportation of Colombians living in Venezuelan territory, and the closure of the border. The crisis between Venezuela and Colombia - diplomatic, humanitarian and economic crisis that erupted between the governments of Colombian Juan Manuel Santos and Venezuelan Nicolas Maduro because of the alleged presence in Venezuelan territory of paramilitary groupings. In August 21 the Venezuelan government declared a state of emergency for 60 days in the municipalities of Bolivar, Urena, Junín, La Libertad and Independencia (in the state of Tachira, which borders Colombia). This measure was aimed at restoring order, justice, peace, tranquility and truly human boundaries. Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos expressed his regret over the decision of Caracas and asked to strengthen cooperation between the two countries in the fight against the guerrillas, insurgents, drug traffickers and smugglers. After the announcement of state of emergency was followed a police operation to free the people. In search of Colombian guerrillas was examined district La Invason in San Antonio del Táchira, where 90% of residents are Colombians. During the operation, 185 Colombian citizens were deported to Colombia, and 8 members of the Colombian paramilitary group Los Urabenos were arrested. The deportees stated about the application of physical and verbal violence by the Bolivarian National Guard, as well as about cases of robbery and looting. The Venezuelan security forces searched the house after the house in search of criminals, leaving at the walls the mark R & D, denoting thus already searched homes and the houses for demolition. Many families have been separated, since Colombian parents were deported to Colombia without children, who had the Venezuelan citizenship. The migrants were provided with food, medical care and means of transportation in migration centers of Colombia. The border with Colombia will remain closed until the situation returns within the limits of tolerance. Before the crisis in the Venezuelan border settlements population lived under a curfew, imposed by the militants. After declaring state of emergency on the border from Venezuela, the Colombian government issued a decree on the introduction of the emergency economic, social and environmental situation in the border municipalities for a period of 30 days. The rate provided measures for support of the deportees, repatriated, returned and expelled from Venezuela and also on economic normalization in 7 departments of Columbia and 40 border municipalities. A week later, on 14 September, Juan Manuel Santos signed a decree providing for a special permit to enter and stay in Colombia, as well as the possibility to claim Colombian nationality for spouses or permanent cohabitants of deportees, expelled or returned Colombians, who are citizens of Venezuela. A big flow of immigrants can have an adverse effect on the economy of Columbia, because by providing them humanitarian support the government should also give them jobs that will limit the working places for local population. The population is seriously affected by the closure of the border, since its existence is largely dependent on the cross-border trade and fuel purchases in Venezuela. Thus, the internal conflict between FARC and ELN and their activities have been spread to borders of other countries, spoiling the relationship with them and leading to negative consequences for Colombian citizens. (Salazar and Estrada 1-4)
Works Cited
Giselle Lopez. "The Colombian Civil War: Potential for Justice in a Culture of Violence". 2011, Center for Global Studies. Print
Juan E. Ugarriza&Matthew J. Craig. "The Relevance of Ideology to Contemporary Armed Conflicts: A Quantitative Analysis of Former Combatants in Colombia." 2012, Journal of Conflict Resolution. Print
Mauricio García Durán, Alejandro Angulo Novoa, Javier Giraldo Moreno, Andrés Yepes. "The legacy of Uribe’s policies: challenges for the Santos administration." 2010, Center for Research and Popular Education/Peace Program. Print
Carl Meacham, Douglas Farah, Robert D. Lamb. "Colombia: Peace and stability in the Post- conflict era." 2014, Center for Strategic Studies&International Studies. Print
John Otis. "The FARC and Colombia’s Illegal Drug Trade." 2014, Smithsonian Institution Press. Print
Ana María Díaz &Fabio Sánchez. "A geography of illicit crops (coca leaf) and armed conflict in Colombia." 2004, University of Los Andes Press. Print
Adam Isacson. "Colombia’s human security crisis." 2002, Center for International Policy. Print
Luz Estella Nagle. "How conflict and displacement fuel human trafficking and abuse of vulnerable groups. The case of Colombia and opportunities for real action and innovative solutions." 2013, Groningen Journal of International Law vol 1(2). Print
Carlos Eduardo Ramirez. "Venezuela manufactures a dispute with neighboring Colombia". 2015, the Washington Post. Print
Miguel Salazar&Evelyn Estrada. "Scapegoats of Displacement: Colombia’s Culpability in Venezuelan Border Conflict." 2015, Council on Hemispheric Affairs Press. Print
